Tuesday, June 18, 2013

Eye on Iran: Iranian President-Elect Hasan Rowhani's Record at Odds with 'Moderate' Label











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Fox News: "The winner in Iran's presidential election has been labeled a 'moderate,' but his record of working closely with the nation's religious leaders - particularly on thwarting international weapons inspections - leaves scant hope for a thaw in the Islamic Republic's relations with the West, according to experts... But a closer look at Rowhani's resume reveals a history of advancing the agenda of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. As secretary to the National Security Council for 16 years and top nuclear negotiator from 2003 to 2005, Rowhani was the face of Iran's diplomatic duplicity, often publicly pledging cooperation with nuclear inspectors even as the nation continued its intransigence. 'What we will see from Rowhani, I think, are conciliatory statements in public, while in secret, going forward with the nuclear program,' said Mark Wallace, chief executive officer of United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI). 'And in many cases it's worse than what we've had. It's dishonest.'" http://t.uani.com/16zxF6j

NYT: "President-elect Hassan Rowhani of Iran, speaking Monday for the first time since his election victory, said he wanted to reduce tensions with the United States but ruled out direct talks between the two estranged nations. In his first news conference after winning Friday's presidential election promising more freedoms and better relations with the outside world, Mr. Rowhani called the issue of nonexistent relations between Iran and the United States 'an old wound, which must be healed.' Iran, he said, wants to reduce tensions between the two countries, which have no diplomatic relations and are at odds over the nature of Iran's nuclear enrichment program. Echoing similar statements from the departing administration of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Mr. Rowhani said there would be no direct talks until the United States stopped 'interfering in Iran's domestic politics,' respected what he called Iran's nuclear rights and lifted economic sanctions. 'All should know that the next government will not budge from defending our inalienable rights,' Mr. Rowhani told reporters. He emphasized that, like those of his predecessors, his government would not be prepared to suspend uranium enrichment, something he had done as a nuclear negotiator in 2004 as a trust-building measure in discussions with European countries. 'We have passed that period,' he said of that time. 'We are now in a different situation.'" http://t.uani.com/1bRwGik

Reuters: "Iran is making 'steady progress' in expanding its nuclear program and international sanctions do not seem to be slowing it down, the U.N. nuclear agency chief told Reuters on Monday. Yukiya Amano's comments underlined the difficult challenges facing world powers in seeking to persuade the Islamic state to scale back nuclear activities they suspect could be used to make atomic bombs, a charge Tehran denies... 'There is a steady increase of capacity and production (in Iran's nuclear program),' Amano said in an interview. Asked if international punitive steps aimed at making Iran curb its atomic activity were slowing it down, he said: 'I don't think so ... I don't see any impact.'" http://t.uani.com/11IOMxp
Election Repression Toolkit    
Nuclear Program

FP: "Iran continues to evade U.N. sanctions on its nuclear program by changing its supply routes, erecting new front companies, and shopping the world for lower grade parts not explicitly prohibited by the U.N. Security Council, but still capable of contributing to the assembly of a nuclear power reactor. That's according to a 'confidential' unpublished report by a U.N. Security Council panel monitoring sanctions on Iran, exclusively published by Turtle Bay. The 45-page report - which summarizes the U.N. panel's work over the past year - documents several cases in Europe and the Middle East where Iranian agents have sought to procure a host of industrial products -- including valves, carbon fiber, and bellows -- that can be used in a nuclear facility. The equipment, however, is not explicitly prohibited from being sold to Tehran, making it easier to get similar items through customs. 'The panel continues to be told by many states that Iran is seeking items that fall below established control thresholds but could be used for prohibited activities,' the report states. 'All of the nuclear related cases investigated by the panel during its current mandate involve items that are not to be found among the [control] lists' that states are banned from supplying Tehran." http://t.uani.com/128U59f

Reuters: "Iran's election has exposed popular discontent with the Tehran government but is unlikely to bring about any change in Iranian nuclear policy, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told Reuters on Monday. Acknowledging that economic sanctions were clearly taking their toll on Iran, Netanyahu said the pressure needed to be maintained and urged Western allies not to pin their hopes on the newly elected Iranian president, Hassan Rohani. 'He doesn't count. He doesn't call the shots,' Netanyahu said, adding that Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, made all the decisions regarding nuclear policy, which the West fears is geared towards developing an atomic bomb. 'The Iranian election clearly reflects deep disaffection of the Iranian people with its regime, but unfortunately it doesn't have the power to change Iran's nuclear ambitions,' said the Israeli leader, who heads a centre-right coalition government." http://t.uani.com/14gls4u

AP: "Russia's foreign minister says Iran is willing to halt its 20-percent enrichment of uranium, which has been a key concession sought in international negotiations over Iran's nuclear program. That is the highest level of enrichment acknowledged by Iran and one that experts say could be turned into warhead grade in a matter of months. In an interview with the Kuwaiti news agency KUNA that was released by the Foreign Ministry on Tuesday, Sergey Lavrov said that 'for the first time in many years' there are encouraging signs in international efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear dispute. He said Iran has confirmed that it is ready to halt production of uranium enriched to 20 percent. He did not give details, but said the sextet of international negotiators should make 'substantial reciprocal steps.'" http://t.uani.com/19fI887

June 14 Elections

AP:
"President Barack Obama said Monday that Iran's election of a relative moderate shows that the country's people want to change course. But he stressed that Tehran still needs to show the international community that it's not pursuing a nuclear weapon. Obama said in an interview with PBS' Charlie Rose airing Monday night that the Iranian election of cleric Hasan Rowhani showed that 'the Iranian people want to move in a different direction.' 'The Iranian people rebuffed the hardliners and the clerics in the election who were counseling no compromise on anything anytime anywhere. Clearly you have a hunger within Iran to engage with the international community in a more positive way,' Obama said." http://t.uani.com/11vyEAi

Reuters: "The victory of a moderate in Iran's presidential election has kindled the hopes of liberals for a return to the 'golden years' of reformist president Mohammad Khatami, when Iranians enjoyed more freedoms and Tehran had better relations with the West. But like Khatami, former nuclear negotiator Hassan Rohani will face obstacles from the conservative establishement. He will be unable to move fast and may not want to move far since, unlike Khatami, he has close ties with the religious leadership. 'Dr. Rohani and the Supreme Leader have been friends for more than four decades,' said Hossein Mousavian, who worked directly under Rohani when he was chief nuclear negotiator. 'It is a relationship of trust.' That trust is a clue to the puzzle of an overwhelming victory for reformist-backed Rohani after a pre-election clampdown on reformists left many expecting a hardline victory. 'This outcome more likely came about because, not in spite of, the Supreme Leader who allowed Rohani to enter the race, gain momentum, and win,' said Ali Vaez, Iran analyst at International Crisis Group." http://t.uani.com/17VvcX9

TIME: "When Iranians elected moderate cleric Hassan Rowhani their new president by a landslide on Friday, they surprised Washington and the world. The process of figuring out what his election means has only just begun. Moderate as applied to Iranian mullah politicians is a relative term - even the reformists tip the far conservative end of the political spectrum - but Rowhani's win represents an opportunity for easing relations between Iran and the West. The country is still led by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but the Supreme Leader indicated that he would allow Rowhani to engage in direct talks with the U.S., should he so wish... Rowhani is no American patsy. He was one of the original revolutionaries, living in exile in Paris with Iran's first Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. His loyalty to the Supreme Leader is absolute, or he wouldn't have been allowed to run. He's an insider who's spent decades atop some of Iran's most important committees. In recent weeks he's voiced support for Syrian strongman Bashar Assad and in his first press conference as president-elect, he insisted the time has long past for Iran to negotiate on its enrichment of low-grade uranium - that is Iran's unassailable right. In 2004, as lead negotiator on Iran's nuclear program, he bragged that he kept the West talking while Iran was importing advanced materials to further the program. 'We will go ahead with confidence-building and will endeavor to build up our [nuclear] technical capability,' Rowhani reportedly said at a news conference at the time. 'This is our diplomacy: to proceed [in] both directions simultaneously.'" http://t.uani.com/11vBxB7

YnetNews: "Behind the smiles and the mirth brought about by Hassan Rohani's triumph in the first round of the Iranian presidential election, there lurks a personal tragedy: his elder son took his own life in 1992 in protest of his father's close connection with Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. 'I hate your government, your lies, your corruption, your religion, your double acts and your hypocrisy,' wrote the future president's son in his suicide note, published in London by exiled Iranian political commentator Ali Reza Nouri. 'I am ashamed to live in such environment where I'm forced to lie to my friends each day, telling them that my father isn't part of all of this. Telling them my father loves this nation, whereas I believe this to be not true. It makes me sick seeing you, my father, kiss the hand of Khamenei,' read the letter published in the London-based al-Sharq al-Awsat." http://t.uani.com/15g5ZAd

NYT: "At the end of his first news conference since winning Iran's presidential election, the moderate cleric Hassan Rowhani was confronted, live on state television, with the raised expectations his election has stirred. Video of the incident, which was quickly copied to YouTube and shared on social networks by Iranian expatriates, showed Mr. Rowhani speaking at the end of the event when a voice from the back of the crowded hall shouted a plea for him to remember the detained opposition leader Mir Hussein Moussavi who has been under house arrest for two years." http://t.uani.com/12SQBPJ

Sanctions


Bloomberg: "The Iranian rial, whose plunge triggered an inflation crisis, is gaining in the unregulated market after President-elect Hassan Rohani said he would seek to ease international sanctions crippling the economy. The currency strengthened to 34,650 rial a dollar today in unregulated trading, marking a 4.6 percent appreciation from June 13, the day before Rohani's surprise first-round victory, according to Daily Rates For Gold Coins and Foreign Currencies, a Facebook page used by businessmen based in Iran and abroad." http://t.uani.com/12GV6LR

Syrian Civil War

Bloomberg: "Syria's central bank said a $1 billion credit line from Iran will help support the pound as the currency extended its record slump after the U.S. decided last week to arm rebels fighting President Bashar al-Assad. The central bank has set up a mechanism to use the credit to 'finance a big part of the local market's need, which will contribute to reducing the pressure' on the pound's exchange rate, the state-run Sana news agency quoted Central Bank Governor Adib Mayaleh as saying. The report did not say when the credit line was given." http://t.uani.com/1009s7m

Opinion & Analysis

WashPost Editorial Board: "Hassan Rouhani will be Iran's next president not only because he was picked by a majority of Iranian voters but also because the country's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, chose to accept his victory. That decision surprised us and some Western experts on Iran, but in retrospect there was good reason for it. Had the Islamic regime falsified the results and blocked Mr. Rouhani, it would have risked a repeat of the popular uprising that followed the 2009 election, when followers of reformist candidates concluded - probably rightly - that the reelection of hard-liner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had been rigged. At the same time, Mr. Rouhani was in the presidential race because he had been judged to be a reliable follower of the supreme leader, unlike other moderate and reformist candidates who were banned from the ballot. Though he criticized the government's recent handling of negotiations on Iran's nuclear program, he made clear that he supports the program and that decisions about it would lie with Mr. Khamenei. At a press conference Monday, Mr. Rouhani rejected the suspension of uranium enrichment, mandated by multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions, and repeated Tehran's past rhetoric that an improvement in relations with the United States would require that 'they have to recognize our nuclear rights [and] put away bullying policies against Iran.' As president, Mr. Rouhani could well make it easier for Tehran to resist sanctions and other international pressure without slowing its progress toward a nuclear bomb, its intervention in Syria's civil war or its sponsorship of terrorism. With his crude denials of the Holocaust and promises to wipe Israel off the map, Mr. Ahmadinejad helped the United States and its allies rally support for measures that have reduced Iran's oil earnings by half and isolated it from the world. Mr. Rouhani, in contrast, has boasted of his record, as nuclear negotiator from 2003 to 2005, of heading off sanctions through skillful diplomacy even as more centrifuges were installed. Hismore moderate face has already prompted calls for the Obama administration to sweeten its proposals for compromise with the regime... The election demonstrated that a majority of Iranians continues to yearn for a freer society and reject the reactionary policies of Mr. Khamenei and his clique of hard-line clerics. If Mr. Rouhani is not allowed to take steps to answer those aspirations, both he and the regime could face another popular challenge." http://t.uani.com/12SMkf4

Bret Stephens in WSJ: "'There's a sucker born every minute' is one of those great American phrases, fondly and frequently repeated by Americans, who tend to forget that it was said mainly about Americans. In the election of Hassan Rohani as Iran's president, we are watching the point being demonstrated again by someone who has demonstrated it before. Who is Mr. Rohani? If all you did over the weekend was read headlines, you would have gleaned that he is a 'moderate' (Financial Times), a 'pragmatic victor' (New York Times) and a 'reformist' (Bloomberg). Reading a little further, you would also learn that his election is being welcomed by the White House as a 'potentially hopeful sign' that Iran is ready to strike a nuclear bargain. All this for a man who, as my colleague Sohrab Ahmari noted in these pages Monday, called on the regime's basij militia to suppress the student protests of July 1999 'mercilessly and monumentally.' More than a dozen students were killed in those protests, more than 1,000 were arrested, hundreds were tortured, and 70 simply 'disappeared.' In 2004 Mr. Rohani defended Iran's human-rights record, insisting there was 'not one person in prison in Iran except when there is a judgment by a judge following a trial.' Mr. Rohani is also the man who chaired Iran's National Security Council between 1989 and 2005, meaning he was at the top table when Iran masterminded the 1994 bombing of the Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aires, killing 85 people, and of the Khobar Towers in 1996, killing 19 U.S. airmen. He would also have been intimately familiar with the secret construction of Iran's illicit nuclear facilities in Arak, Natanz and Isfahan, which weren't publicly exposed until 2002. In 2003 Mr. Rohani took charge as Iran's lead nuclear negotiator, a period now warmly remembered in the West for Tehran's short-lived agreement with Britain, France and Germany to suspend its nuclear-enrichment work. That was also the year in which Iran supposedly halted its illicit nuclear-weapons' work, although the suspension proved fleeting, according to subsequent U.N. reports. Then again, what looked to the credulous as evidence of Iranian moderation was, to Iranian insiders, an exercise in diplomatic cunning. 'Negotiations provided time for Isfahan's uranium conversion project to be finished and commissioned, the number of centrifuges at Natanz increased from 150 to 1,000 and software and hardware for Iran's nuclear infrastructure to be further developed,' Seyed Hossein Mousavian, Mr. Rohani's spokesman at the time, argues in a recent memoir. 'The heavy water reactor project in Arak came into operation and was not suspended at all.' Nor was that the only advantage of Mr. Rohani's strategy of making nice and playing for time, according to Mr. Mousavian. 'Tehran showed that it was possible to exploit the gap between Europe and the United States to achieve Iranian objectives.' 'The world's understanding of suspension' was changed from a legally binding obligation . . . to a voluntary and short-term undertaking aimed at confidence building.' 'The world gradually came close to believing that Iran's nuclear activities posed no security or military threat. . . . Public opinion in the West, which was totally against Tehran's nuclear program in September 2003, softened a good deal.' 'Efforts were made to attract global attention to the need for WMD disarmament by Israel.' ... Now the West is supposed to be grateful that Mr. Ahmadinejad's scowling face will be replaced by Mr. Rohani's smiling one-a bad-cop, good-cop routine that Iran has played before. Western concessions will no doubt follow if Mr. Rohani can convince his boss, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, to play along. It shouldn't be a hard sell: Iran is now just a head-fake away from becoming a nuclear state and Mr. Khamenei has shown he's not averse to pragmatism when it suits him. The capacity for self-deception is a coping mechanism in both life and diplomacy, but it comes at a price. As the West cheers the moderate and pragmatic and centrist Mr. Rohani, it will come to discover just how high a price it will pay." http://t.uani.com/1004PKA

Suzanne Maloney in Foreign Affairs: "Of course, Rouhani's most powerful advantage was the bitter unhappiness of the Iranian people, who have witnessed the implosion of their currency, the return of austerity measures not seen since the Iran-Iraq War, and the erosion of their basic rights and freedoms over the past eight years. The fact that they were willing to hope again, even after the crushing disappointment of 2009 election, underscores a remarkable commitment to peaceful change and to democratic institutions.  All this might explain the massive turnout on election day and Rouhani's overwhelming popular victory. It does not explain, though, why Khamenei avoided the chicanery that plagued the 2009 vote and why he let the result stand. One explanation is that the Ayatollah simply miscalculated and found himself, once again, overtaken by events when Rouhani's candidacy surged with little forewarning. Indeed, it is likely that Khamenei really did expect Iranians to vote for the conservatives. After all, the conservatives have held all the cards in Iran since 2005; they dominate its institutions and dictate the terms of the debate. With the leading reformists imprisoned or in exile, no one expected that the forces of change could be revived so powerfully. When his expectations proved off base last Friday, Khamenei could have simply opted not to risk a repeat of 2009. There is another possibility, however, and one that better explains Khamenei's strangely permissive attitude toward Rouhani's edgy campaign and toward the extraordinary debate that took place between the eight remaining presidential candidates on state television only a week before the election. In that discussion, an exchange about general foreign policy issues morphed unexpectedly into a mutiny on the nuclear issue. One candidate, Ali Akbar Velayati, a scion of the regime's conservative base, attacked Jalili for failing to strike a nuclear deal and for permitting U.S.-backed sanctions on Iran to increase. The amazingly candid discussion that followed Velayati's charge betrayed the Iranian establishment's awareness of the regime's increasing vulnerability. It could only be understood as an intervention -- one initiated by the regime's most stalwart supporters and intended to rescue the system by acknowledging its precarious straits and appealing for pragmatism (rather than Jalili's dogmatism). The discussion was also an acknowledgement that the sanctions-induced miseries of the Iranian public can no longer be soothed with nuclear pageantry or even appeals to religious nationalism. It is therefore possible to imagine that Khamenei's unexpected munificence, including his last-minute appeal for every Iranian -- even those who don't support the Islamic Republic -- to vote, was planned. In this case, those who see Rouhani's election as a replay of the shocking political upset that Khatami pulled off in 1997 are off base. Instead, Rouhani's election is an echo of Khamenei's sudden shift in 1988 and 1989, when he charged Rafsanjani, a pragmatist, with ending the war with Iraq, and then helped Rafsanjani win the presidency so that he could spearhead the post-war reconstruction program. Now, as then, Khamenei is not bent on infinite sacrifice. Perhaps allowing Rouhani's victory is his way of empowering a conciliator to repair Iran's frayed relations with the world and find some resolution to the nuclear dispute that enables the country to revive oil exports and resume normal trade." http://t.uani.com/1bRlrGy

Mehdi Khalaji in WashPost: "The main theme of Rouhani's campaign was his critique of the Islamic Republic's nuclear policy during the last eight years, which led to a series of U.N, E.U. and U.S. sanctions against Iran. Not only were the business community and private sector deeply damaged by sanctions, but the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps's companies and government businesses also came under unprecedented pressure. The current policy left little hope for peaceful resolution of the nuclear crisis and, because of sanctions, made the impasse the first concern of many Iranian citizens, both urban and rural. In the televised debates and his campaign, Rouhani has defended the pre-Ahmadinejad nuclear policy, which he ran from 2003 to 2005. He argued that he succeeded in keeping the nuclear program off the U.N. Security Council's agenda while also preventing a significant interruption to the program. He said that Iran should change its negotiation pattern, assure the West that it is not after a nuclear bomb and save the economy from sanctions, while letting Iran's peaceful nuclear program proceed. He described the 2003-04 decision to suspend uranium enrichment for a few months as a way for Iran to prove that the nuclear program is for peaceful purposes while at the same time make progress on the enrichment program during the suspension. Rouhani's victory can be interpreted as the success of the West's policy toward Iran's nuclear program. Since the start of sanctions, many have doubted whether sanctions are useful, and whether they would change Iran's nuclear policy, but the 2013 election proved that sanctions deeply affected people's opinions of the government's policy of resistance rather than compromise. During the campaign, many of the candidates criticized the resistance approach, which was defended only by current nuclear negotiator Jalili. Even Velayati - who has been regarded as an influential advisor to the supreme leader- criticized Jalili in the televised debate, saying Jalili's policy harmed Iran and produced zero benefit... To be sure, sanctions weren't the only reason Rouhani won. Unlike many classic dictatorships such as Iraq under Saddam Hussein, the political power in Iran is not monopolized by one group and person. Tiny holes that open in the election season sometimes provide a chance for new dynamism... Nevertheless, the West now should have more confidence in the negotiations because the Iranian people showed that they are not indifferent to the leverages used against nuclear policy - and indeed the hard-line elite showed it is deeply split over how to proceed on the nuclear front. But one should not forget that Rouhani's justification for negotiations during the campaign was to relieve the pressure without giving up the program. This means that while the West should approach negotiations with cautious optimism, the West has to remain insistent on Iran having only a peaceful nuclear program that is verifiably far from a nuclear weapons capability. And of course, Iran's president does not dominate Iran's foreign and security policy, which is overwhelmingly set by Khamenei, though the fact that Khamenei allowed Rouhani to win suggests that Khamenei himself may be open to a shift in approach." http://t.uani.com/16E7H1D

Martin Indyk in FT: "The surprise election of Hassan Rohani to the Iranian presidency shines a hopeful ray of sunlight through the darkening storm clouds of western relations with Iran. But rushing to embrace Mr Rohani could end up being exactly the wrong strategy for the US and its European partners to adopt in an environment so permeated by mistrust... We should be careful, however, not to let our hopes get ahead of realities. The sanctions are indeed hurting; the Iranian people want an end to their isolation; and by winning a majority in the first round Mr Rohani has received a resounding mandate for change. But Ayatollah Ali Khamenei remains very much in command. Indeed, this election may have solidified his reign: rather than protesting against him as they did in such massive numbers four years ago, the people were celebrating in the streets after this election. And his radical regime now has a moderate, democratically elected president to cloak his own extremism and paranoia... But there is another reason for a deliberate approach. A too warm embrace of the new president could heighten the paranoia of the supreme leader and make it impossible for Mr Rohani to push for concessions in the nuclear negotiations - if that is his intention - that would brand him as suspect in Mr Khamenei's eyes. We have a precedent for that in the way the supreme leader emasculated Ayatollah Mohammad Khatami - the last reformist president with a popular mandate - when President Bill Clinton tried to engage him and reciprocate his interest in a constructive dialogue. Giving the new Iranian president time to establish himself, listening carefully to how he proposes to proceed with the nuclear file, and never giving the supreme leader the impression that we are trying to go around him, is therefore a wiser approach. But time is not on the side of a negotiated resolution of the Iranian nuclear file. Iran's nuclear programme is fast approaching a breakout capability in which, perhaps by the end of 2013, it will have the ability to achieve bomb-grade enrichment of its stockpile within two to three months of a decision to go for it. That would constitute a crossing of Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu's red line and would come close to challenging Mr Obama's own commitment to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. The west, therefore, needs to proceed with all deliberate speed, recognising in Mr Rohani's victory an opportunity that we cannot afford to squander by a hasty embrace based on wishful thinking but also with an ear attuned to the ever-louder ticking of the nuclear clock." http://t.uani.com/18VYw0E

Ray Takeyh in The Weekly Standard: "This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of Operation Ajax-the notorious CIA plot that is supposed to have ousted Iranian prime minister Muhammad Mossadeq. In the intervening decades, the events of 1953 have been routinely depicted as a nefarious U.S. conspiracy that overthrew a nationalist politician who enjoyed enormous popular support. This narrative, assiduously cultivated by the Islamic Republic, was so readily endorsed by the American intellectual class that presidents and secretaries of state are now expected to commence any discussion of Iran by apologizing for the behavior of their malevolent predecessors. At this stage, the account has even seeped into American popular culture, featuring most recently in Ben Affleck's Oscar-winning blockbuster Argo. The only problem with this mythologized history is that the CIA's role in Mossadeq's demise was largely inconsequential. In the end, the 1953 coup was very much an Iranian affair." http://t.uani.com/11McfhS

Eye on Iran is a periodic news summary from United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) a program of the American Coalition Against Nuclear Iran, Inc., a tax-exempt organization under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. Eye on Iran is not intended as a comprehensive media clips summary but rather a selection of media elements with discreet analysis in a PDA friendly format. For more information please email Press@UnitedAgainstNuclearIran.com

United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) is a non-partisan, broad-based coalition that is united in a commitment to prevent Iran from fulfilling its ambition to become a regional super-power possessing nuclear weapons.  UANI is an issue-based coalition in which each coalition member will have its own interests as well as the collective goal of advancing an Iran free of nuclear weapons.





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