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The
Roots of Anti-Israel Attitudes
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Many
factors contributing to anti-Israel antipathy have nothing to do with
Israel.
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Israel is demonized and singled out by the media and international
bodies. Israel is accused of excessive use of force, despite its great
efforts to minimize collateral damage, while the massacres by the Assad
regime or the heavy collateral damage resulting from Saudi attacks in
Yemen are hardly mentioned. The EU decided to mark the products of the
Israeli settlements beyond the "Green Line," taking no similar
action for the products in northern Cyprus (occupied by Turkey), or in
Tibet (occupied by China), or in Western Sahara (occupied by Morocco).
Israel, a democratic state, is accused of human rights violations, while
the UN ignores the human rights violations of many of its members.
The reasons for the dislike of the Jewish state are numerous and often
reinforce each other.
First, there is a theological base for hatred towards the Jews and
Israel. For the two largest religions, Christianity and Islam, comprising
roughly half of the world population, Jews are problematic. Theological
considerations have produced centuries of anti-Semitism. While not all
Christians and Muslims are anti-Semitic, their cultures are permeated
with anti-Semitic motifs.
Theological considerations have
produced centuries of anti-Semitism.
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Deicide is a main motif in the Christian tradition. However, the
obstinate Jews have consistently across time rejected the Christian
conditions for redemption. Similarly, Islam was conscious of the Jewish
rejection of the prophet Muhammad. While Jews, as people of the book, are
not considered infidels, they are still relegated to dhimmitude –
second-class citizens.
We can detect attempts in Christianity to change internal attitudes
towards the Jews. It remains to be seen how successful they are. In
contrast, very few Muslim religious leaders have engaged in similar efforts.
Furthermore, the rise of radical Islam is also hardening the attitudes
towards Jews among Muslims and particularly Arabs.
Westerners tend to project
feelings of guilt for their own colonial past onto the Arab-Israeli
conflict.
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Second, Israel's unique story is not always easily accepted. Israel
reflects an unprecedented journey of an ancient people in the diaspora
back to their homeland. After 2000 years the Jews returned to reestablish
their state. The juxtaposition of Israel's Zionist story against the
Palestinians' is not always convincing. Often Zionists have to explain
that a large proportion of the Arabs in Palestine have arrived in the 19th
century. In addition, most of the world does not remember that the Arabs
in Palestine have rejected all compromise proposals, and that attempts at
co-existence were countered by rampant violence. Justifying Israel's
story needs prior knowledge when many people do not pay attention to
historical details. Zionism is very different from the annals of national
movements elsewhere. Jews are nowadays involved in a tragic struggle with
a population that is seen by many as oppressed natives.
Indeed, part of the West is displaying feelings of guilt for its
colonial past, which is projected onto the Arab-Israeli conflict. The
establishment of Israel is seen through a colonialist prism, according to
which Western powers have implanted a Jewish state in the Middle East to
enhance their control of this region. The Muslim world has largely
embraced this outlook, which reinforces its religious hostility to the
Jewish state. Israel is seen by the Arabs as a nation of modern crusaders
that are doomed to disappear.
Third, we witness, particularly in the West, widespread
post-nationalist attitudes that are critical of nationalist
particularism. For example, young Europeans adopt transnational
identities. They consider themselves Europeans rather than belonging to a
particular nation. Such a new transnational identity is encouraged by the
spread of the multi-cultural ethos. Multiculturalism obfuscates
particular national identities.
The radical left, long hostile to
Zionism, has become more influential in many Western countries.
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In contrast, Israel is a nationalist phenomenon, when in certain
circles, particularly on the left, nationalism has become more
suspicious. Nationalism is often equated with jingoism and narrow-minded
conservatives. Furthermore, some reduce Judaism to constitute a religious
phenomenon only, denying the legitimacy of its nationalist manifestation.
Fourth, the radical left, that has traditionally been hostile to
Zionism, has become in many countries more influential. Such a shift we
see in the socialist parties of Europe. For example, the new Labour
leader in the UK, Jeremy Corbyn, is far to the left and is of course
anti-Israeli. President Barack Obama in the US is part of the left wing
of the Democratic Party, which has been more critical of Israel's
policies than other elements in the American political spectrum.
In an era of pervasive anti-Americanism,
Israel is rightly perceived as a staunch US ally.
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Fifth, we witness the tightening of the Red-Green alliance. Its main
glue is anti-Americanism. They don't like America for what it stands for,
and as Israel is rightly perceived as a staunch US ally, they by
extension don't like Israel. The Red-Green alliance is nowadays a
stronger political force, particularly in Europe, where increasingly
larger Muslim minorities are located.
Sixth, the memory of the Holocaust for non-Jews is becoming more distant.
The feelings of sympathy for Jewish suffering are weaker today and cannot
overcome deeply rooted cultural anti-Jewish dispositions. Unfortunately,
such feelings are sometimes replaced with pervert sympathy for the
Palestinians who are portrayed as victims of Israeli Nazi-type behavior.
Furthermore, the Palestinians have capitalized on this with systematic
propaganda to cultivate their perceived (and cherished) victimhood
status.
Seventh, part of the animosity toward Israel is the result of the activities
of misguided Jews. Often, we hear critics of Israel saying: "I read
this argument in Haaretz." We have organizations such as "Jews
for Justice in Palestine," similarly to "Jews for Jesus."
In the US, the J-Street lobby joins in supporting anti-Israeli campaigns.
Unfortunately, we have to recognize that hatred of Israel is
omnipresent just as hostility toward Jews has always been a widespread
historic phenomenon. Israeli policies can hardly change this predicament.
Whilst facing an uphill struggle, Israel's public diplomacy should not
desist from its efforts to portray Israel as a moral beacon in the dark
age that has befallen the Middle East.
Efraim Inbar, a professor of
political studies at Bar-Ilan University, is the director of the
Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies and a Shillman-Ginsburg fellow
at the Middle East Forum.
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