Posted: 24 Apr 2013 11:03 PM PDT
Means, opportunity and
motive are the three crucial elements of investigating a crime and
establishing the guilt of its perpetrator. Means and opportunity tell us how
the crime could have been committed while motive tells us why it was
committed. Many crimes cannot be narrowed down by motive until a suspect is
on the scene; but acts of terrorism can be. Almost anyone might be
responsible for a random killing; but political killings are carried out by
those who subscribe to common beliefs.
Eliminate
motive from terrorism and it becomes no different than investigating a random
killing. If investigators are not allowed to profile potential terrorists
based on shared beliefs rooted in violence, that makes it harder to catch
terrorists after an act of terror and incredibly difficult before the act of
terror takes place.
The roadblock isn't only technical; it's conceptual. Investigations consist
of connecting the dots. If you can't conceive of a connection, then the
investigation is stuck. If you can't make the leap from A to B or add two to
two and get four, then you are dependent on lucky breaks. And lucky breaks go
both ways. Sometimes investigators get lucky and other times the terrorists
get lucky.
Federal law enforcement was repeatedly warned by the Russians that Tamerlan
Tsarnaev was dangerous, but operating under the influence of a political
culture that refused to see Islam as a motive for terrorism, it failed to
connect the dots between Chechen violence in Russia and potential terrorism
in the United States, and because it could not see Islam as a motive, as a
causal factor rather than a casual factor, it could find no reason why
Tamerlan was a threat not just to Russia, but also to the United States.
The missing motive factor has led to a rash of lone wolf terrorists whose
acts are classified as individual crimes. Nidal Hasan's killing spree at Fort
Hood was put down to workplace violence, but workplace violence isn't a
motive, it's a bland description. The motive was obvious in Hasan's
background and his behavior; but the military, an organization that by its
nature has to be able to predict the actions of the enemy, had been crippled
and left unable to see Islam as a motive.
The current working concept is that by refusing to allow our military and law
enforcement to identify Islam as a motive, we are stifling terrorist
recruitment by preventing Muslim from identifying terrorist attacks with
Islam. This ostrich theory of terror assumes that if we blind ourselves to
the motives of the terrorists, then potential terrorists will likewise be
blinded to their own motives.
Any law enforcement protocol that prevents investigators from understanding
the motives of the killers in the hope that this will take away that motive
from the killers is absurdly backward. The investigators of terror are not
the instigators of terror. A police detective arresting a rapist does not
create rape. An FBI agent arresting a terrorist does not create terror.
Identifying a crime does not create the crime. It makes it easier for law
enforcement and the public to fight that crime.
The insidious infiltration of blowback theory into terrorist investigations
has dangerously subverted the ability of investigators to get to the truth
and to catch the terrorists. Blowback theory assigns each act of Islamic
terror an origin point in our actions. Everything that Muslim terrorists do
is caused by something that we did. To those who believe in this linkage, the
only way to fight Muslim terror is to stop inspiring it. The only way to
defeat Islamic terrorism is to defeat ourselves.
Blowback theory has been dressed up in academic language and expert jargon,
but all it amounts to is Stockholm Syndrome with a lecture hall. Its
essential postulate is that if we become more passive in our responses, a
strategy that is usually described with the complementary term,
"smart", as in "smart war" and "smart
investigation", then the enemy will become more passive in response to
our passivity because we are no longer inspiring his violence.
Smart wars and smart investigations are those that don't offend Muslims. The
cost of the smart war in Afghanistan has been a very expensive and bloody
defeat. The cost of the smart investigation can be seen in the streets of
Boston or in Fort Hood.
Any smart tactic based on inaction and ignorance, on throwing
away advantages to seem less provocative, is not smart; it's stupid. When
things go unsaid because they are politically incorrect, then they will
eventually go undone. And when they are both unsaid and undone, then it
becomes impossible to think them. The concepts fade out of reach, the
connections in what, Hercule Poirot, called the little grey cells, are no longer
made and what was once a familiar mental shortcut becomes an entirely alien
concept.
Defeating ourselves in order to defeat Islamic terrorism is a dead end
because we are not the source of that terrorism; we are its target. When we
handicap ourselves out of a misguided notion that the best way to fight
terrorism is with one hand tied behind our backs and an eyepatch on one eye,
then Americans die.
Islamic terrorism, once the starting point of any rational investigation, has
become an uncomfortable endpoint uttered by uncooperative suspects who refuse
to go along with the stress-motivated killing spree defense their lawyers are
eager to put forward for them. It is the dark thing at the end of every
investigation that politicians don't want to talk about, reporters don't want
to write about and prosecutors grow reluctant to discuss for fear of
offending judges and stifling career prospects.
Without Islam as a motive, there is no way to fight the larger threat except
as a discrete collection of seemingly random events. What connects a Tamerlan
Tsarnaev to a Nidal Hasan to Ahmed in Jersey City or Mohamed in Minneapolis
plotting the next attack? The official answer is nothing. One was a boxer and
another was an army doctor and the third is just an Egyptian student or a
Somali bank clerk. They have no motive in common except that of Islam.
Motives identify links. They make it easier to stack events together as a
trend. They make it possible to predict the next attack by looking at the
common denominators that matter as opposed to the ones that don't. And above
all else, they combine together to give us a rational picture of the world so
that we understand what we are experiencing and what we have to do about it.
A man dropped onto a battlefield without having the concept of an army or a
war will be bewildered and horrified by the incomprehensible experience of
large numbers of individuals shooting at him for no reason. "Why do they
all want to kill me?" he thinks. "Was it something I did?"
Crime is personal. War is impersonal. The murderer has personal motives for
his actions, but the motives of the soldier are irrelevant. In war, it is the
organization that matters more than the individual. Wasting time predicting
the movements of individual armies instead of soldiers is not productive.
Attempting to understand terrorists as individuals, rather than members of a
mass movement is equally a waste of time.
Media accounts have presented various exculpatory motives for Tamerlan
Tsarnaev ranging from the possible head injuries he may have suffered as a
boxer to the murder of a best friend that investigators suspect he may
carried out. All these motives are irrelevant, not because they may not have
some figment of truth to them, but because they stopped mattering once he
became what he was. One soldier may join the army because his girlfriend
broke up with him, another because he lost his job and a third because
he wants to impress his friends. Those motives may all be true, but they
don't matter. Once organized into a collective, their individual motives stop
mattering and the collective motive takes over.
Islamic terrorism is a collective motive. There is limited variation in the
tactics and the thinking of terrorists. Whatever they may have been before
they fully committed themselves to the war against civilization is an
incidental matter. And the only piece of individual identity that matters is
still the collective one of their Islamic background. That is still the
greatest predictive factor of terrorism.
The Islamic terrorist abandons his individuality and takes on an identity
that asks him to love death more than life. His motives are no longer
personal, but collective. He is a soldier in the Islamic war against
civilization. His marching orders may come from Jihadi videos and magazines,
but they provide him with training and an esprit de corps sufficient to the
purposes of his campaign of terror. To strive to understand him as a father
or a son, as a boxer or a doctor, is a waste of time. These biographical
footnotes no longer represent him. They are the things he has discarded to
become a messenger of death in obedience to a faith that values death more
than life.
Without
understanding that, the terrorist becomes a cipher, another nice young man
who suddenly
turned violent, and the trend of terrorist attacks ceases to be a pattern and
becomes a rash of horrifying incidents that can happen at any time.
Terrorism is a form of war. It cannot be won without understanding that there
is a battlefield and an enemy fighting for control of that battlefield.
Without that understanding, our superiority in strength and our possession of
the battlefield can only result in a temporary stalemate leading to a
permanent defeat.
Terrorism denial turns terrorist attacks into a cipher without a motive. If
Tamerlan and Dzhokar Tsarnaev had not carried out their attack at a public
event in the age of the ubiquitous camera, then how long would law
enforcement have chased down dead ends or searched for the Tea Party tax
protesters that the political establishment expected them to find?
Without a motive, there is no place to begin searching. Without Islam, there
is no motive. Terrorism denial isn't just an intellectual error; it is a
grave danger to the lives of Americans. Terrorism denial created a space in
which the Tsarnaev brothers were free to plot and kill. Terrorism denial cost
the lives of three Americans and the bodily integrity of hundreds of others.
Denying the Islamic motive for terror, makes it harder for law enforcement
officer to do their job and easier for Muslim terrorists to do theirs.
Daniel Greenfield is a New York City based writer and blogger
and a Shillman Journalism Fellow of the David Horowitz Freedom Center.
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