Posted: 10 Jun 2015 08:09 AM PDT
What is Islam? The
obvious dictionary definition answer is that it’s a religion, but legally
speaking it actually enjoys all of the advantages of race, religion and
culture with none of the disadvantages.
Islam
is a religion when mandating that employers accommodate the hijab, but when
it comes time to bring it into the schools, places that are legally hostile
to religion, American students are taught about Islam, visit mosques and even
wear burkas and recite Islamic prayers to learn about another culture.
Criticism of Islam is denounced as racist even though the one thing that
Islam clearly isn’t is a race.
Islamist organizations have figured out how lock in every advantage of race,
religion and culture, while expeditiously shifting from one to the other to
avoid any of the disadvantages.
The biggest form of Muslim privilege has been to racialize Islam. The
racialization of Islam has locked in all the advantages of racial status for
a group that has no common race, only a common ideology.
Islam is the only religion that cannot be criticized. No other religion has a
term in wide use that treats criticism of it as bigotry. Islamophobia is a
unique term because it equates dislike of a religion with racism. Its usage
makes it impossible to criticize that religion without being accused of
bigotry.
By equating religion with race, Islam is treated not as a particular set of
beliefs expressed in behaviors both good and bad, but as an innate trait that
like race cannot be criticized without attacking the existence of an entire
people. The idea that Islamic violence stems from its beliefs is denounced as
racist.
Muslims are treated as a racial collective rather than a group that shares a
set of views about the world.
That has made it impossible for the left to deal with ex-Muslims like Ayaan
Hirsi Ali or non-Muslims from Muslim families like Salman Rushdie. If Islam
is more like skin color than an ideology, then ex-Muslims, like ex-Blacks,
cannot and should not exist. Under such conditions, atheism is not a debate,
but a hate crime. Challenging Islam does not question a creed; it attacks the
existence of an entire people.
Muslim atheists, unlike all other atheists, are treated as race traitors both
by Muslims and leftists. The left has accepted the Brotherhood’s premise that
the only authentic Middle Easterner is a Muslim (not a Christian or a Jew)
and that the only authentic Muslim is a Salafist (even if they don’t know the
word).
The racialization of Islam has turned blasphemy prosecutions into an act of
tolerance while making a cartoon of a religious figure racist even when it is
drawn by ex-Muslims like Bosch Fawstin. The New York Times will run photos of
Chris Ofili’s “The Holy Virgin Mary” covered in dung and pornography, but
refuses to run Mohammed cartoons because it deems one anti-religious and the
other racist.
The equating of Islam with Arabs and Pakistanis has made it nearly impossible
for the media to discuss violence against Christians in those parts of the
world. The racialization of Islam has made Arab Christians, like Bangladeshi
atheists, a contradiction in terms. The ethnic cleansing of the Yazidi could
only be covered by giving them a clearly defined separate identity. Middle
Eastern Christians are increasingly moving to avoid being categorized as
Arabs because it is the only way to break through this wall of ignorance.
While racialization is the biggest Muslim privilege, race provides no
protection for many Islamic religious practices. Muslims then seek religious
discrimination laws to protect these practices even if it’s often a matter of
debate whether their lawsuits protect their religious practices or impose
them on others.
Islam is a theocracy. When it leaves the territories conquered by Islam, it
seeks to replicate that theocracy through violence and by adapting the legal
codes of the host society to suit its purposes.
Islamic blasphemy laws are duplicated using hate crime laws. Employers are
obligated to make religious concessions to Muslim employees because of laws
protecting religious practices, but many of these practices, such as refusing
to carry out jobs involving pork, liquor or Seeing Eye dogs, are really ways
of theocratically forcing behaviors that Islam forbids out of public life much
as Saudi Arabia or Iran do.
Accusations of bigotry are used to outlaw ideas that Islam finds
blasphemous and religious protection laws are used to banish behaviors that
it disapproves of. By switching from race to religion and back again,
Islamists construct a virtual theocracy by exploiting laws designed to
protect different types of groups.
Religions in America traded theocracy for religious freedom. They gave up
being able to impose their practices on others in exchange for being able to
freely practice their own religions. Islam rejects religious freedom. It
exploits it to remove the freedom of belief and practice of others. When it
cannot do so through religious protection laws, it does so through claims of
bigotry.
Religions were not meant to be immunized from blasphemy because that is
theocracy. Instead religions are protected from restrictions, rather than
from criticism. Islam insists on being protected from both. It makes no
concessions to the freedom of others while demanding maximum religious
accommodation.
While race and religion are used to create negative spaces in which Islam
cannot be challenged, the creed is promoted positively as a culture.
Presenting Islam as a culture allows it easier entry into schools and
cultural institutions. Islamic missionary activity uses the Western longing
for oriental exotica that its political activists loudly decry to inject it
into secular spaces that would ordinarily be hostile to organized religion.
Leftists prefer to see Islam as a culture rather than a religion. Their
worldview is not open to Islam’s clumsy photocopy of the deity that they have
already rejected in their own watered down versions of Christianity and
Judaism. But they are constantly seeking an aimless and undefined
spirituality in non-Western cultures that they imagine are free of the
materialism and hypocrisy of Western culture.
Viewing Islam as a culture allows the left to project its own ideology on a
blank slate. That is why liberals remain passionately convinced that Islam is
a religion of social justice. Their Islam is a mirror that reflects back
their own views and ideas at them. They pretend to respect Islam as a culture
without bothering to do any more than learn a few words and names so that
they can seem like world travelers.
By morphing into a culture, Islam sheds its content and becomes a style, a
form of dress, a drape of cloth, a style of beard, a curvature of script and
a whiff of spices. It avoids uncomfortable questions about what the Koran
actually says and instead sells the religion as a meaningful lifestyle. This
approach has always had a great deal of appeal for African-Americans who were
cut off from their own heritage through Islamic slavery, but it also enjoys success
with white upper class college students.
The
parents of those students often learn too late that Islam is not just another
interchangeable monotheistic religion, that its mosques are not places where
earnest grad students lecture elderly congregants about social justice and
that its laws are not reducible to the importance of being nice to others.
Like a magician using misdirection, these transformations from religion to
race, from race to culture and from culture to religion, distract Americans
from asking what Islam really believes. By combining race, religion and
culture, it replicates the building blocks of its theocracy within our legal
and social spaces.
Separately each of these has its advantages and disadvantages. By combining
them, Islam gains the advantages of all three, and by moving from one to the
other, it escapes all of the disadvantages. The task of its critics is to
deracialize Islam, to reduce it to an ideology and to ask what it really
believes.
Islam is a privileged religion. And there’s a word for that. Theocracy.
Daniel Greenfield is a New York City based writer and blogger
and a Shillman Journalism Fellow of the David Horowitz Freedom Center.
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