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Who
Should Rule Syria?
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Nobody. Or at least not all of it.
Grasp that and you can see a clear strategy for the West.
The long civil war in Syria is still far from conclusion. Any real
possibility of rebel victory ended with the entry of Russian forces last autumn
— but while the initiative is now with the Assad regime, the government's
forces are also far from a decisive breakthrough. So who, if anyone,
should the UK be backing in the Syrian slaughterhouse, and what might
constitute progress in this broken and burning land?
It ought to be fairly obvious why a victory for the Assad regime would
be a disaster for the West. Assad, an enthusiastic user of chemical
weapons against his own people, is aligned with the most powerful
anti–Western coalition in the Middle East. This is the alliance dominated
by the Islamic Republic of Iran. It includes Hezbollah in Lebanon, the
Shia militias of Iraq, and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. If Assad won,
the Iranian alliance would consolidate its domination of the entire land area
between the Iraq-Iran border and the Mediterranean Sea — a major step
towards regional hegemony for Iran. So an Assad victory would be good for
Islamism — at least of the Shia variety — and bad for world peace. It
should be prevented.
Total victory for the Assad regime
would be a disaster for the West.
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The controversy begins when one starts to look at the alternative to
an Assad victory.
In November last year, David Cameron claimed to have identified 70,000
"moderate" rebels ready to challenge Islamic State in the east
of Syria. That figure was a myth. Yours truly was among the very first
Western journalists to spend time in Syria with the rebels. I recently
returned from a trip to southern Turkey, where I interviewed fighters and
commanders of the main rebel coalitions. With no particular joy but a
good deal of confidence, I can report that the Syrian rebellion today is
dominated in its entirety by Sunni Islamist forces. And the most powerful
of these are the most radical.
The most potent rebel coalition in Syria today is called Jaish
al-Fatah (Army of Conquest). It has three main component parts: Ahrar
al-Sham (Free Men of the Levant), a Salafist jihadi group; Jabhat
al-Nusra, until recently the official franchise of al-Qaeda in Syria, now
renamed Jabhat Fatah al-Sham; and Faylaq al-Sham (Legion of the Levant),
whose ideology derives from the Muslim Brotherhood branch of Sunni
political Islam.
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Ahrar
al-Sham fighters in a promotional video screenshot.
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Jaish al-Fatah dominates the main rebel-controlled area in Aleppo,
Idleb, Latakia and northern Hama. Its various components seek the
establishment of a state dominated by Islamic sharia law. There is no
reason to suppose that Nusra's recent renunciation of its al-Qaeda
affiliation was anything more than tactical. When one speaks of the
Syrian rebellion today, one is speaking of Jaish al-Fatah. The small
"Free Syrian Army" groups that still exist do so only with
Jaish al-Fatah's permission, and only for as long as they serve some
useful purpose for it. In the now extremely unlikely event of the
Islamist rebels defeating the Assad regime and reuniting Syria under
their rule, the country would become a Sunni Islamist dictatorship.
So if there is no British or Western interest in a victory for either
the regime or the rebels, what should be done with regard to Syria?
First of all, it is important to understand that "Syria" as
a unitary state no longer exists. A rebel commander whom I interviewed in
the border town of Kilis in June told me: "Syria today is divided
into four projects, none of which is strong enough to defeat all the
others. These are the Assad regime, the rebellion, the Kurds and the
Islamic State." This is accurate.
Syria has fragmented into enclaves
and isn't going to be reunited in the near future, if at all.
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So the beginning of a coherent Syria policy requires understanding
that the country has fragmented into enclaves, and is not going to be
reunited in the near future, if at all.
Various external powers have elected to back one or another element in
this landscape. The Russians and Iranians are backing the regime. Turkey,
Qatar and Saudi Arabia are supporting the Islamist rebels.
The West, too, has established a successful and effective
patron-client relationship — with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic
Forces. Dominated by the Kurdish YPG, but including also Arab tribal
forces such as the Sanadid militia, this is the force which is reducing
the dominions of the Islamic State in eastern Syria, in partnership with
Western air power and special forces.
In contrast to the sometimes farcical attempts to identify partners
among the Syrian Sunni rebels, the partnership with the Syrian Democratic
Forces works. Weaponry does not get passed on to or taken by radical
jihadi groups, because the SDF is at war with such groups. Training and
assistance produces a united force with a single chain of command. And
this force captures ground and frees Syrians living under the vicious
rule of Isis.
On the commonsense principle that success should be built on, it is
clear that the alliance with the SDF ought to be strengthened and grown.
The West is committed, correctly, to the destruction of the Islamic
State. The pace of the war against Isis needs to be stepped up. As
witnessed in Nice, Würz-burg, Normandy and elsewhere in recent weeks,
Isis is an entity that will make war on the West until it is destroyed.
The destruction of the Islamic State by a strengthened SDF would lead
to control of Syria east of the Euphrates by a Western client of proven
anti-terrorist credentials. Further west, the truncated enclaves of Assad
and of the Sunni Arab rebels would remain. It is possible that, over
time, the fragmentation of Syria would be formalised. But it's equally
likely that the various component parts would remain in de facto
existence for the foreseeable future.
Islamist rebels must not be
allowed to establish a jihadi state in Syria.
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What matters is that three outcomes be avoided: the Assad regime
should not be permitted to reunite Syria under its rule, the Islamist
rebels should similarly not be allowed to establish a jihadi state in the
country, and the Islamic State should not be permitted to remain in
existence. By strengthening the alliance with the SDF, utilising it and
its allies to take Raqqa and destroy Isis in the east, and then allowing
its component parts to establish their rule in eastern and northern
Syria, these objectives can be attained. For a change, the US and its
allies have found an unambiguously anti-Islamist and anti-jihadi force in
the Middle East which has a habit of winning its battles. This is a
success which should be reinforced.
Jonathan Spyer is director of the
Rubin Center for Research in International Affairs and a fellow at the
Middle East Forum.
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