Posted: 26 Feb 2014 03:49 PM PST
60 years ago an
uprising in the Ukraine would have been met with machine guns fired from
behind the armor of Communist ideology. With the fall of the USSR, Russia
didn’t have much of an ideology to deploy against Ukrainian nationalism. It
accused the protesters of being fascists, an accusation with some truth to
it, but not one that anyone will take seriously coming from another fascist
regime.
Putin
tried to replace Communism’s international agents of influence by cobbling
together a crude
network of leftist anti-imperialists, paleo-libertarians and assorted
conspiracy theorists and exploited it with classic tradecraft. Assange and
Snowden showed how damaging this could be to the United States, but Assange,
Snowden, Greenwald and all the rest of the gang couldn’t keep the Ukraine in
Putin’s hands.
The anti-government sentiments projected by RT can bring in useful idiots,
Assange and Snowden are evidence of that, but they lack Communism’s power to
influence millions through the medium of a comprehensive ideology whose
followers were willing to lie and die for it in unending numbers.
If Russia had set out to suppress an uprising 60 years ago, its talking
points would have been on the lips and printing presses of innumerable
writers and papers that would have immediately constructed rationalizations
and denounced the protesters. Americans would have been told that we don’t
understand what is going on there, that the protesters aren’t saints and that
angering the USSR would destabilize the global situation and lead to war.
To see what that would look like today, just compare and contrast the
coverage of protests in Ukraine and Venezuela. Putin destroyed whatever
goodwill he had left from the left by coming out against gay rights. Maduro
however is a Socialist in good standing. The media coverage of Venezuela and
the Ukraine reflect that ideological disparity.
Russia was able to call on the remnants of its old leftist contacts in Syria,
but they made little if any difference. The number of those people who
supported it in the Ukraine is even smaller. Russia and China traded
Communism for economic productivity, but in the process they lost the ability
to project their power through the network of ideological alliances that once
bound the left together.
While Russia and China have moved away from the left, the United States has
moved toward the left, but Obama is no more able to rally the left
internationally than Putin or Xi Jinping. Obama badly frayed traditional
alliances with American allies and replaced them with nothing except empty
speeches.
Russia and China have imperial visions built on a jumble of nationalism,
exceptionalism and internal instability that they have a history of resolving
through brutal repression or external conflict. Obama is operating on a
jumble of leftist paradigms and existing pragmatic approaches that he
inherited from prior administrations. The two often clash, as they did in
Syria, because they are not compatible.
Obama’s foreign policy is a Jekyll and Hyde monster with a split
personality of Clintonites trying to steer it away from the rocks and leftist
extremists with more ideology than experience from the Center for American
Progress aiming for the rocks. Neither side really knows what it’s doing and
instead of picking a side, the man at the top is often willing to sit back
and let them fight it out while the Washington and New York papers decide
which side is right.
That’s not a good way to run a banana republic consisting of two shacks and a
donkey. It’s a truly terrible way to run a world power.
Obama and the left don’t want America to be a world power. The old liberal
consensus was that American power should be used to intervene in world
conflicts. American power might have been abused in the past, but it would be
a means to a progressive end. The new leftist consensus trashes even that
much rejecting American power as a means to a progressive end because of its
unilateral nature.
American power contains the potential for unilateralism. The only way to
prevent the United States from acting outside a consensus is to dismantle its
military and its influence. This is the aim that Obama has pursued over the
years. The former community organizer did not do this in a consistent
fashion, recognizing that an immediate implosion would be disastrous, but he
worked toward it step by step.
The Post-American country no longer has the influence to allow Obama to do
much of anything abroad, but he considers it a worthwhile trade, giving up
power so that some nebulous anti-American consensus will take up that power
instead.
When liberals dreamed of handing over American power to the United Nations or
some international governing body, they were at least pursuing a logical plan
for enforcing their values worldwide. The dream of that international
governing body is long dead. Not even Samantha Power seriously believes that the
United Nations is capable of doing what she would like it to.
The abandonment of power is instead the deliberate creation of a power
vacuum. The United Nations with its American roots is also tainted. The
neo-liberal system that leftists denounce is too embedded in international
organizations to transfer power upward. Instead they transfer power downward.
Obama’s post-American agenda is the mirror image of the anti-government
ideology that Russian agents of influence project into the West. Both agree that
Western power is the problem. And both are not enough to command
international influence in any meaningful way. Ideologies that exist in the
negative space do not inspire people. They only usher in an age of apathy,
cynicism and despair.
The only real difference between Barack Obama and Julian Assange is that the
former was given the custody of a great power whose power he distrusts even
as he uses it and the latter wasn’t.
The left is motivated by the deconstruction and destruction of every institution
in the West, but it has nothing to replace them with except an alliance of
likeminded activists. Its rainbow coalitions have become wrecking crews
taking the mallet a new institution every day and it is this destructiveness
that provides them with their solidarity. The left keeps planting bombs for
the sake of planting more bombs, conducting a long march through the
institutions in order to destroy them and then doing the same thing again,
building institutions whose only purpose is the long term destruction of the
West. Its agenda on everything from culture to race treats the destruction of
that which is as a liberation.
This has been the traditional cycle of the left from cultural vandalism to a
political tyranny that purges the vandals and slowly hardens into another
China or Russia as its ideological rulers become the feudal overlords of a
formerly Socialist republic. Instead of the caterpillars becoming
butterflies, the butterflies, flighty and flashy, become caterpillars, stodgy
unremarkable tunnelers, petty tyrants who look the same.
The destructiveness of the left is what allows it to make common cause with
Putin or Islam, but that common cause does not extend beyond the immediate
act of institutional destruction.
The Islamic movements are the prime beneficiaries of the collapse of the Pax
Americana just as they were the prime beneficiaries of the collapse of the
Pax Romana. Nomads, merchants and raiders can survive and exploit the fall of
an empire better than anyone else, assembling shadow armies, moving vast sums
of money around through invisible networks built on trust and invading other
territories on short notice as no standing army could do.
The great powers have thought of Islamic raiders, in their various
incarnations as corsairs, terrorists, bandits and madmen, as weapons to be
used against each other. That is still the way that they think today,
repressing domestic Muslims and arming foreign Muslims, encouraging Islamic
terrorism against their rivals and striking back when it’s directed at them.
Like
Russia and the China, the United States is eager to include Muslims in its
consensus, without recognizing that they have entirely different agendas of
their own. And it’s not as if our consensus is especially compelling now that
we have jettisoned everything except the international projection of the
left’s politics of resentment.
The Russians offer Muslims a place in Eurasia and China offers them a role in
its People’s Republic; neither offer is particularly compelling. Russia and
China will always exist for the purposes of the majority group and its elites
and neither particularly bothers to disguise it. That is why few of Russia’s
neighbors, Christian or Muslim, are especially enamored of the idea of
recreating the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as the Eurasian Union, but
without the Communism.
But paradoxically a post-American order has even less to offer them. Russia
and China stand for something even if it is only their own power. The
Post-American order stands for nothing except its own dismantling. That is
why Obama sets red lines that he won’t enforce and issues threats that he
doesn’t mean.
The only thing less appealing than selfishness is the complete absence of self.
The only thing less appealing than empire is an anti-imperialism that so
thoroughly negates its own power that it has no influence and no reason to
exist.
Post-American America exists to destroy itself. Until that changes, it has
nothing to offer the world except membership in a suicide pact.
Daniel Greenfield is a New York City based writer and blogger
and a Shillman Journalism Fellow of the David Horowitz Freedom Center.
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