Dreaming
of 'Palestine's South Africa Moment' at Columbia U.
by Mara Schiffren
FrontPage Magazine
December 23, 2014
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[Ed. note: FrontPage Magazine title is "Dreaming of
'Palestine's South Africa Moment.'"]
Has the boycott, divestment, sanctions (BDS) movement succeeded in
bringing Israel to the point of South Africa when it ended apartheid and
reformulated itself into a non-racist state? Despite the egregious
falsity of the historical comparison, the Center for Palestine Studies at
Columbia University recently held an informal debate on this question titled, "Palestine's
South Africa Moment? The Boycott, Divest and Sanctions Movement."
The audience of approximately 140 people—a mix of students,
self-described Palestinians, activists, and fellow travelers—filled the
Columbia Law School lecture hall.
Rashid Khalidi, Columbia's Edward Said Professor of Modern Arab
Studies, restated a point often made by political interlocutors, in an
intonation that fully communicated his contempt:
If you're Palestinian and you live in certain places, say New York
City, like myself . . . you are lectured that the Palestinians should be
non-violent. . . . What usually follows that is . . . "Where is the
Palestinian Gandhi?"
To the supportive audience, Khalidi provided the confrontational
answer from which, he claimed, he would normally "manfully
refrain":
Well, the Palestinian Gandhi may well have been shot down in cold
blood by an Israeli sniper during a demonstration like the two children
per week who are killed. . . . Maybe the Palestinian Gandhi is in prison.
Maybe the Palestinian Gandhi had something else happen to her or to him.
In other words, who knows whether this paragon ever existed, but
surely Israel's to blame for his non-appearance.
Khalidi cited BDS as the "most successful Palestinian tactic in
recent years," lauding it as a "a non-violent means of
struggling against injustice . . . and oppression." Yet, he went on
to praise the 1960s anti-war movement, pointing out that, "these
were struggles in which all kinds of tactics were used, mainly violent
tactics." The implication here and in his opening statement was that
he favors violent means as part of the struggle for
"Palestine." Given that Khalidi was a spokesman
for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) during the late 1970s
and early 1980s, when it was listed as a terrorist organization by the
State Department, this implication is consistent with his background.
Omar Barghouti, a founding committee member of the Palestinian
Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, launched into a
diatribe against the nation-state bill, a proposal to enshrine Israel as the national
state of the Jewish people, whose contentious vote in the Israeli cabinet
recently brought down the government. This bill, Barghouti contended, is
the final unmasking of the "Zionist pretense at democracy" that
will unravel the entire endeavor. Later, he added:
Forget democracy. This is a Jewish supremacist state. So, no pretense
of democracy. And that's a very important development because it is
revealing Israel's true nature. The last mask of Israel's so-called
democracy has been dropped.
The fact that the Qatari-born Barghouti has an M.A.in philosophy from
Tel Aviv University contradicts his claims of Israel's "Jewish
supremacism." That the University won't discharge him, though he is
cofounder of the BDS movement, because they adhere to academic freedom
demonstrates the difference between a "so-called democracy" and
a movement based on lies, moral inversions and intimidation tactics.
Barghouti then made the preposterous assertion that BDS—a movement
based on demonizing and excluding the world's sole Jewish state—is an
anti-racist movement:
Its backbone is anti-racist. It opposes all kinds of racism including
anti-Semitism. This aspect has always been consistently clear.
Soon after, he engaged in bald-faced inversion of the truth when he
alleged it is the Zionist state that is anti-Semitic, because it claims
to speak for all Jews.
After describing the inroads BDS has made on multiple fronts,
including "converting" Jewish groups to the cause, Barghouti
concluded that, "increasingly, it's looking like the South Africa
moment has been arrived at finally," to which the audience responded
with loud and lengthy applause.
The final speaker, Mahmood Mamdani, Herbert Lehman Professor of
Government at the School of International and Public Affairs and
professor of anthropology, political science and African studies at
Columbia University, disputed Barghouti's assertion that the "South
Africa moment" is close. He articulated the crucial difference
between the South African anti-apartheid movement, which stood for
academic freedom, and the situation today, where academic freedom is instead
the "rallying cry" of Israel's supporters, calling them
"complete opposites."
Lest one conclude the pro-Israel side should thus be applauded,
Mamdani immediately suggested another way to target Israel on this point.
Claiming "UN reports" demonstrate that "Palestinian
academics in Israel do not have academic freedom," he then stated:
I believe we should issue a declaration asking academics, starting
with Columbia University itself, around the U.S., in Israel, in
Palestine, around the world, an open call for academic freedom in Israel.
Not just academic freedom for a few, not academic freedom for a select
minority, but academic freedom for everybody. A democratic rather than a
privileged notion of academic freedom.
Academic freedom already exists in Israel, and not just for a select
minority; once again, it's a matter of holding Israel to a singular
standard.
Mamdani then spoke about the evolution in leadership that made the
transition to a peaceful post-apartheid South Africa possible, noting
that, "The anti-apartheid struggle educated white South Africa. . .
. Security required whites give up their monopoly of power." He
implied that this process must occur in Palestinian leadership, with
Jewish participation in the BDS movement as a lynchpin, before advocating
for the destruction of Israel in stentorian tones:
The Palestinian challenge is to persuade the Jewish population of
Israel and the world that, just as in South Africa, the long term
security of a Jewish homeland in historic Palestine requires the
dismantling of the Jewish state. . . . Jews can have a homeland in
historic Palestine, but not a state.
In Mamdani's radical vision, Israel has merely to cede all of its
power to a mature Palestinian leadership that has successfully
reformulated itself and, henceforth, there will be peace in the land. It
is a dream of enlightened Arab rule with the Jews as a protected
minority; the caliphate rebirthed by a progressive midwife. Thus, the
translation has become complete: not only is Israel the racist old South
Africa, but Palestinian leadership will emerge as the wise Nelson Mandela
on the world stage.
How far the realm of academic narratives exists from the truth. The
same week this debate took place, strong evidence emerged that ISIS has
reared its head in Gaza. And Gaza itself may be imploding
and turning into a failed state. There's nothing utopian in the reality
on the ground.
Alas, that no Palestinian Gandhi or Mandela is in sight. Done in by
Israel, no doubt.
Mara Schiffren, who has a Ph.D. from Harvard University in
comparative religion, is currently working on a book about historical
Israel. She wrote this essay for Campus Watch,
a project of the Middle
East Forum.
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