No
Jihad in Gaza, Says George Washington U's Nathan Brown
by Andrew Harrod
Jihad Watch
August 3, 2015
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Current Middle East Studies Association (MESA) president
and George Washington University political science professor Nathan
Brown downplayed Hamas's long history of terrorism on July 23 at the
anti-Israel Jerusalem
Fund think tank in Washington, DC. He and others on a panel titled
"Gaza in Context: Broader Implications in the Palestinian
Plight" claimed that the Islamic supremacism of Hamas and, increasingly, the
Palestinian Authority (PA) is mere nationalism before an audience of
forty.
Former Jerusalem Fund and current U.S. Campaign to End the Israeli
Occupation director Yousef
Munayyer opened the panel with a proclamation worthy of the Gaza Chamber
of Commerce: "Gaza can be a hub of commerce and industry"
with "tremendous potential to once again be an engine of success and
prosperity." Yet the Gaza strip became a threat
to Israel after it relinquished
the area in 2005 to Palestinians who were more interested in
ransacking and militarizing donated Israeli
greenhouses than engaging in commerce. Noting that Gaza, with 1.8
million inhabitants, is the largest Palestinian city, Munayyer asserted
that the "most valuable resource to the Palestinian nation is
perhaps its population," a claim belied by Hamas's frequent use of
such "resources" as human
shields for propaganda against Israel.
In his presentation, Brown observed blandly that Palestinians
"sometimes . . . don't make the choices that international diplomacy
would like them to make," as if Hamas was simply a political party.
Palestinian self-determination is something the "international
community has heartily endorsed, so long as Palestinians make the right choices,"
he added. Without naming either perpetrator or victim, Brown vaguely
referred to "episodic violence" involving Gaza. He cited a
Palestinian Hamas supporter who, in reference to Israel's 2014 Protective Edge
military campaign in Gaza, wondered, "what would have happened if
Hamas had given up arms," implying that Hamas was merely defending
itself.
Brown sought a "reconstruction of Palestinian politics" that
might create "fresh Palestinian leadership" who could resume a
peace process with Israel. This Palestinian "new blood" would
"sketch out realistic programs to their own people" and
"rebuild some kind of grassroots popular movement," he
predicted. He could not cite any period when Palestinians have ever had
responsible, democratic leadership,
but instead called for the "unfreezing of the really problematic
authoritarian environment in both the West Bank and Gaza."
As for accepting "Hamas as a legitimate political player within
Palestinian society, both domestically and internationally," Brown
insisted that, although a large "stumbling block," it would
induce Hamas to relinquish power in Gaza. Stating the obvious, he
admitted that Hamas is not interested in the "idea of administering
Gaza" as a "governing municipal authority." In contrast,
Brown accused Israel of trying "to keep tight control" on the
"freeing of Palestinian political life." Yet Israel abandoned
control over most daily Palestinian affairs under the 1993 Oslo Accords.
The eagerness of both panelists to legitimize Hamas became even more
obvious during the question and answer period. When asked by an audience
member whether the U.S. could "stop branding Hamas as an
international sponsor of terrorism," Munayyer responded that,
although he did not "see that happening in the near term,"
American policy has long sought a "negotiated solution with leaders
who do not have the mandate to deliver." To be "seriously for a
negotiated solution . . . one cannot be seen as credible if not working
for a representative and unified Palestinian partner," which, for
Munayyer, includes Hamas jihadists. Yet, he alleged, "pro-Israel
interest groups" and "domestic political interests get in the
way of advancing foreign policy."
Such is the Jerusalem Fund's alternative universe in which neither
Hamas, the PA, nor a "unity government" presents any
existential threat to Israel or the wider world. Political scientists
such as Brown see Palestinians as just another national
self-determination movement struggling against oppression. This willful
moral and intellectual myopia denies the Palestinians' embrace of Islamic
supremacism—a fact that precludes their acceptance of Israel's existence.
Andrew E. Harrod is a freelance researcher and writer who holds a
PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a JD from George
Washington University Law School. He is a fellow with the Lawfare
Project; follow him on twitter at @AEHarrod. He wrote this essay for Campus Watch, a project
of the Middle East Forum.
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