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Steven Emerson,
Executive Director
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March 3, 2016
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Dems
Balk at MB Bill Terror Findings
by John Rossomando
IPT News
March 3, 2016
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Last Week's House
Judiciary Committee discussion of a bill requesting the State Department
evaluate classifying the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization
showcased the confirmation bias of the bill's Democratic opponents on
the panel.
Numerous examples of ties between the international Muslim Brotherhood
and terrorist groups like Hamas and al-Qaida peppered the original draft of
the bill introduced by Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, R-Fla.
However, Ranking Member Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., made the oft-repeated
assertion the organization had sworn off violence.
Conyers asserted that the Brotherhood had become a "non-violent
religious and social service organization" and that Diaz-Balart's bill
promotes so-called "Islamophobia."
"Before rushing to conclusions that can lead to unknown and
unintended consequences, our committee should consider the facts that
pertain to this complex organization," Conyers said.
He pointed to testimony given in a 2011 hearing but much of what was said
there undermines Conyers' premise the Brotherhood is
"non-violent."
For example, Washington Institute Executive Director Robert Sotloff
testified that the Muslim Brotherhood is far from "an Egyptian version
of the March of Dimes," whose orientation was fundamentally
humanitarian.
"Should the Brotherhood achieve political power, it will almost
certainly use that power to transform Egypt into a very different place ...
A more realistic situation would see deeper and more systemic Islamization
of society, including the potential for a frightening growth of
sectarianism between Muslims and Copts and even deepening intra-Muslim
conflict between Salafis and Sufis," Sotloff said, accurately
predicting the divisive nature of the Brotherhood's rule before it was
ousted in July 2013.
Similarly, another person who testified before the subcommittee
cautioned against falling victim to the Brotherhood's semantics when it
comes to terrorism.
"Just because the MB opposes al-Qaeda does not mean that they agree
with us on the definition of terrorism," Tarek Masoud of Harvard's
John F. Kennedy School of Government told the committee. "For example, they view both
Hamas and Hezbollah as freedom fighters whose acts of violence are
legitimate forms of resistance against what they see as Israeli occupation.
In August 2006, former Muslim Brotherhood leader Mahdi Akef even declared
that he was ready to send 10,000 (ten thousand) Brothers to fight alongside
Hezbollah in its war against Israel. He didn't, of course. But the
sentiment reveals the gulf between us and the Brotherhood on this
issue."
The House bill also includes the 2011 assessment from then-FBI Director
Robert Mueller: "I can say at the outset of that elements of the
Muslim Brotherhood both here and overseas have supported terrorism."
Conyers' effort to characterize the Brotherhood as a "a
predominately non-violent religious political and social service
organization" ignores the repeated involvement of Brotherhood-linked
charities in terrorism financing, ranging from the Union of Good to the Holy Land Foundation. The Holy
Land Trial exposed a Hamas-support network in the United States created by
the Muslim Brotherhood which included the Council on American Islamic Relations
(CAIR) as a branch.
Conyers ignores statements by the Brotherhood in the past year,
including a Jan. 27 call for a "long, uncompromising
jihad" against the Egyptian government, as noted in Diaz-Balart's bill.
Groups calling themselves "Revolutionary Punishment" and
"Popular Resistance" have carried out attacks against Egyptian police stations
and businesses with support from Brotherhood-connected social media
accounts. These accounts have been promoted by U.S. based pro-Brotherhood activists.
The legislation included other numerous specific examples of Brotherhood
support for funding or engaging in violent jihad since its founding in 1928
by Egyptian schoolteacher Hasan al-Banna.
"...Jihad in its literal significance means to put forth one's
maximal effort in word and deed," Al-Banna said in an undated speech. "[I]in the Sacred Law
it is the slaying of the unbelievers, and related connotations, such as
beating them, plundering their wealth, destroying their shrines, and
smashing their idols ... it is obligatory on us to begin fighting with them
after transmitting the invitation [to embrace Islam], even if they do not
fight against us."
Al-Banna also stated that the "people of the Book" should
be fought until they pay jizyah, a tax mandated by the Quran paid by Christians
and Jews to an Islamic state in exchange for keeping their lives and not
embracing Islam.
It notes that the U.S. government previously listed Hamas, the
Brotherhood's Palestinian branch, and Lajnat al-Daawa, the social wing of Kuwait's branch of the Brotherhood, as
terrorist entities.
Lajnat al-Daawa's reported involvement in terrorism financing on behalf of Osama
bin Laden underscores the hollowness of the Brotherhood's condemnation of
al-Qaida. Ramzi Yousef, planner of the 1993 World Trade Center
bombing, and Khalid Sheikh Muhammad, architect of 9/11, each worked for Lajnat al-Daawa.
Numerous individual Brotherhood members with ties to al-Qaida who were
previously sanctioned by the U.S. government as terrorists are mentioned in
the bill. Among them; Osama bin Laden's brother-in-law, Mohammad Jamal
Khalifa, served a senior member of the Lebanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. Khalifa ran
charitable offices on al-Qaida's behalf in the Philippines, including an
office for the Saudi-controlled International Islamic Relief Organization.
He also established a charity called the International
Relations and Information Center in the Philippines, which was the primary
funding mechanism for Khaled Sheikh Mohammed and Ramzi Yousef's 1995 "Bojinka" plot to blow up American airliners
over the Pacific.
Diaz-Balart's bill additionally points out that the Libyan Muslim
Brotherhood's militias joined forces with Ansar al-Sharia, the al-Qaida
linked militia responsible for the Sept. 11, 2012 attack on the U.S.
Consulate in Benghazi.
In opposing the bill, Conyers said it unfairly paints all Brotherhood
members as terrorists. He dismissed the measure as "Islamophobia
[which] may be good politics ... but it certainly is not good policy."
Classifying the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization had more to
do with fear than keeping Americans safe, he said.
But existing groups on the State Department's terror list. such as
Hizballah and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), also
actively engage in social services or serve in parliament.
Hizballah's social services give it strong support among poor Shiites in Lebanon. It also
has 14 seats in Lebanon's parliament and considerable
political clout. Likewise, FARC has a significant social-service component.
Related Topics: John
Rossomando, Muslim
Brotherhood, terror
designation, Mario
Diaz-Balart, John
Conyers, Robert
Sotloff, Robert
Mueller, Tarek
Masoud, Union
of Good, CAIR,
Hasan
al-Banna, Lajnat
al-Daawa
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