Friday, July 18, 2014

Eye on Iran: U.S., Allies Use Economic Scare Tactics in Talks with Iran









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Reuters: "Behind closed doors in a 19th-century Viennese palace, U.S. and European negotiators have tried to scare Iran with facts and figures showing that without a swift nuclear deal it will plunge further into economic ruin. In conference rooms at the Palais Coburg, Western officials have repeatedly warned Iranian counterparts over the past six months that more economic pain is a risk for an OPEC member whose oil exports have already shrunk to a fraction of what they could have been, diplomats and Iranian officials told Reuters. Such tactics run parallel to the key incentive on offer to Iran - relief from sanctions. And diplomats say the United States, Britain, France, Germany, Russia and China are considering lifting sanctions rapidly - if Tehran accepts a deal to curb a nuclear program that world powers suspect may have a weapons purpose despite Iran's steadfast denials... Its sole existing power plant, at Bushehr, took nearly 40 years to finish - by Russian contractors - at an $11 billion cost, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace think-tank estimates, making it one of the world's most expensive reactors. Moreover, Carnegie estimates, Bushehr provides only 2 percent of Iran's electricity needs, while 15 percent of Iran's generated electricity is lost through obsolete and poorly maintained transmission lines. U.S. and European diplomats say it is financially illogical for Iran to pursue uranium enrichment if it only wants to fuel nuclear reactors and not produce nuclear weapons. This is an argument, Western diplomats say, that Russia has made forcefully behind closed doors - that it would be significantly cheaper and safer for Iran to continue purchasing enriched nuclear fuel from Russia in accordance with a deal Tehran has with Moscow for Bushehr. But Iran has disagreed... 'Iran's economy today is about 25 percent smaller than it would have been if we had not imposed the oil and financial sanctions,' a senior U.S. Treasury Department official told Reuters in an interview. 'The Iranian people need to understand the staggering financial costs of the regime's nuclear program,' a senior U.S. administration official said. 'The math is clear in terms of both lost revenue from sanctions and the extraordinary cost of the program itself. It simply makes no sense in the context of a civilian nuclear program.' A European diplomat echoed his remarks: 'We have tried to make Iran understand that they will face economic ruin without an agreement. The ball is in their court.'" http://t.uani.com/WhNM8l

Al-Monitor: "US Secretary of State John Kerry told lawmakers July 17 that passing new triggered sanctions on Iran might help unlock a nuclear deal, a complete reversal from the policy of the President Barack Obama administration until now, several House Democrats of different ideological stripes told Al-Monitor. Kerry made the remarks at a State Department meeting with a group of Jewish lawmakers who are regularly briefed on issues pertaining to Israel. He discussed the likely need for an extension of the negotiations of up to four months as well as the Israel-Gaza conflict. He made it clear that he was just floating ideas, several lawmakers said, and had not gotten Obama to sign off on them. 'He said it might be useful as a spur,' one lawmaker said. 'But he said he hadn't checked with the White House.' The State Department denies any change of policy." http://t.uani.com/1yByxVM

AFP: "Iran and world powers are 'likely' to agree Friday on the terms of extending a Sunday deadline to reach a nuclear deal, China's chief negotiator in talks in Vienna said. 'Yes, it is likely,' Wang Qun told reporters, adding however that Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security plus Germany were still 'discussing' how long the extension would be and other issues... Washington and Iran earlier this week laid the groundwork for pushing back the deadline after US Secretary of State John Kerry held two days of intense talks with his Iranian counterpart that failed to produce a breakthrough." http://t.uani.com/1jXme30
   
Nuclear Program & Negotiations

Guardian: "Nuclear negotiations with Iran in Vienna stalled in recent weeks following disagreements over limits on Iran's enrichment capacity and how long those limits should last. All sides at the talks are prepared to extend them beyond Sunday's deadline, but an extension faces significant opposition in the US Congress. The proposed extension would last four months, but there is a dispute in Vienna over what the terms of that extension would be. Iran wants more of its assets from oil sales held in western banks to be unfrozen during the extended negotiation. The US wants Tehran to reduce its stockpile of enrichment in return. The argument has held up an announcement of the extended deadline, with US and Iranian officials haggling until 1am and resuming discussions later on Friday morning." http://t.uani.com/1rwq42M

Sanctions Relief

Reuters: "Iran's iron ore industry is in crisis because of low prices, a senior industry official said, with June exports the lowest in nearly two years and ore piling up at ports. The country's top non-oil export had been generating much-needed revenue as crude sales drop by nearly $4 billion a month from levels before sanctions on oil kicked in. Nearly all Iran's iron ore exports go to China and were worth a total of $2.4 billion in 2013, based on Chinese customs data. But a supply glut, as major iron ore miners rushed to fill Chinese demand that has fallen short of expectations, has pushed prices to half the record seen in 2011. That has hurt smaller and higher cost producers such as Iran, the world's eighth-biggest shipper of the raw material, opening a gap for the big three of Rio Tinto, BHP Billiton and Vale SA. Iran's iron ore exports dropped by a third in June from a year ago to 1.2 million tonnes, the lowest since September 2012, according to the Iranian Iron Ore Producers and Exporters Association (IRIOPEX)." http://t.uani.com/1rwoYUU

Gaza War

Al-Monitor: "Nothing in Tehran suggests that three wars are taking place within what it calls its national security borders. 'The bloc is under fire,' said an Iranian official who spoke with Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity. 'It is one battle from Baghdad to Gaza. We believe that all that's happening is linked to each other. Our enemies want us to be weak so that they can impose their conditions on us, but this won't happen.' The war in Gaza seems to be very high on the Iranian agenda. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei spoke twice within three days calling on Muslims to unite. 'The Gaza incidents are utterly disastrous, and the Zionist regime is carrying out the current atrocities by taking advantage of the negligence of the Islamic world,' he said, adding, 'The killing of the people of Gaza by the usurping Zionists should spur Islamic governments and nations to resolve their differences and become united.' ... According to information acquired by Al-Monitor from sources in Tehran, Gaza and Beirut, a new strategy was adopted after the July-August 2006 war in Lebanon with respect to military support. The main goal was protecting the fighting groups from the danger of a military siege by making them capable of producing as many rockets as they need on the spot. 'The main goal was letting our men gain the knowledge, and then everything is easy,' said Amin, a Palestinian official Al-Monitor interviewed via telephone. 'This was the idea of Imad Mughniyeh, the Hezbollah military commander. He thought that having (rocket-making) knowledge in the brains of experts would mean that Israel would not be able to achieve anything even if it destroyed the entire rocket stockpile; that doesn't mean halting the rocket support.'" http://t.uani.com/1r8TnJz

Iraq Crisis

AP: "A powerful Iranian general has emerged as the chief tactician in Iraq's fight against Sunni militants, working on the front lines alongside 120 advisers from his country's Revolutionary Guard to direct Shiite militiamen and government forces in the smallest details of battle, militia commanders and government officials say. The startlingly hands-on role of Iranian Gen. Ghasem Soleimani points to the extent of the Shiite-led Iraqi government's reliance on its ally Tehran. It also strikes a strong contrast with the more methodical, cautious approach of the United States, Iran's rival for influence in Iraq. Shiite fighters have come to idolize the Iranians who have moved into the heat of battle alongside them - with two Iranian advisers killed in fighting - while government officials grumble the United States has failed to come to their aid. The Iranian role, however, risks further sharpening the sectarian rifts in the conflict. At a time when the U.S. and others are pressing Iraq's government to reach out to Sunnis to reduce support for the insurgency, the effective Iranian command of Iraq's defense is likely to further alienate Sunnis, who have long accused Shiite-led Iran of trying to dominate Iraq through its allies here." http://t.uani.com/Uftefz

Human Rights

ICHRI: "A Baha'i man, Sarang Ettehadi, has been summoned to begin serving his one-year prison sentence on charges of 'propaganda against the state through participation in Baha'i worship and prayer groups.' Ettehadi told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that he had been instructed via a telephone call from the Evin Prison Courts on July 6, 2014, to appear to begin serving his sentence within a week. Ettehadi's wife, Nasim Ashrafi, already began serving her sentence at Evin Prison on May 6, 2014." http://t.uani.com/1niNqd5

Opinion & Analysis

Patrick Clawson in WINEP: "The firm stance Tehran has taken in the nuclear negotiations seems out of step with the image of a country desperate to achieve sanctions relief. That raises the question of just how crippling the sanctions imposed on Iran have been. The answer? No longer so much. The intensified U.S. and European sanctions in the Iranian year 2012/13 hit the Islamic Republic's economy hard, to the considerable surprise of the country's elite. As an April 2014 International Monetary Fund (IMF) report details, oil export proceeds fell the equivalent of 15% of gross domestic product during that period. A comparable shock to the U.S. economy would be a $2.5 trillion annual loss. Similarly, real GDP fell by 8.5% over 2012/13 and 2013/14, or about twice as much as the 4.3% drop in U.S. output during the 2007-2009 recession. Meanwhile, inflation rose to 45% in 2012/13, and the rial lost 60% of its value on the parallel market. Against this backdrop, the spring 2013 presidential election focused on the economy. Hassan Rouhani's candidacy took off in no small part because he hammered home the theme that improving the economy required a nuclear deal with the West -- that being the only way to obtain sanctions relief, attract foreign investment, and secure trade openings for Iran. Yet even without a comprehensive deal and major relief, the government has been able to establish a modus vivendi under sanctions. Iran's economy contracted sharply in part because authorities were putting in place the kind of adjustment measures the IMF often recommends when a country faces an external shock. Those measures had the impact the IMF typically predicts: pain followed by gain. Iran has already experienced the pain; now it is beginning to see the gain... Today, Iran's foreign trade position is strong despite sanctions. The April 2014 IMF report showed that in 2013/14, the country imported $73 billion in goods and services and exported $46 billion in non-oil goods and services, meaning it would have needed only $27 billion in oil and gas exports to balance its current account -- the equivalent of 740,000 barrels of oil per day (b/d) at $100 a barrel. In fact, Iran exported more crude than that in 2103/14; adding in sales of other petroleum products, it totaled $56 billion in oil and gas exports, giving it a $29 billion current account surplus. Looking at future years, the IMF forecasts that Iran would need only $28 billion in oil and gas exports to balance its account in 2019/20, which it could earn even if such exports fall considerably from their current level. It is instructive to compare these figures with the sanctions relief provided earlier this year by the interim nuclear deal known as the Joint Plan of Action (JPOA). Even if one assumes that there is no leakage in the sanctions regime, the agreement allows Iran to export 1 million b/d of crude oil worth about $35 billion a year -- an amount more than sufficient to meet its foreign exchange needs for the foreseeable future. Of course, this assumes that Tehran has access to the proceeds from these sales. Because of U.S. banking restrictions, most such proceeds are tied up in the countries to which the oil was exported, meaning Iran can use the funds only to import from those countries. While that is a problem, Iran's situation under the JPOA is actually better than the 1 million b/d target cited by the State Department. This is largely due to its substantial exports of non-crude oil -- especially the $10 billion it receives annually from 300,000 b/d of condensates exports that the department insists are not counted in the 1 million b/d target. Tighter monetary policy under Rouhani has also brought inflation down sharply, from a rate of over 40% in spring 2013 to around 17% today. This trend will help restore confidence and encourage investment. In short, Iran has brought its economy into line with the resources available under the new sanctions regime. And it has done so without running up the kind of huge government debt seen in many developed economies... Having taken the tough measures to adjust to the sanctions shock, Iran is relatively well positioned to resume growth even if the current sanctions remain in place. The IMF forecasts that growth in 2014/15 will be 1.5%, rising to 2.3% per year afterward if oil sales do not pick up and sanctions persist. And that is absent any substantial reform in the government's various growth-inhibiting policies, which are at least as much a burden on the economy as are sanctions. Put another way, Iran's economy under sanctions is poised to grow at about the same pace as the U.S. economy... In short, sanctions brought Iran to the table, but the regime may be willing to pay the price rather than agreeing to the steps the P5+1 are demanding. Sanctions hobbled the country, but Iran is still walking, and that may be good enough for its leaders." http://t.uani.com/1sxqJ6Y

Michael Hayden & Evan Bayh in WSJ: "The temptation is obvious: Iraq is threatened by a radical Sunni insurgency. The United States and Shiite Iran thus have common interest in blunting the success of an al Qaeda offshoot. The enemy of my enemy is my situational ally. What is missed is that Tehran and Washington have incompatible strategic objectives. The U.S. needs a stable and inclusive Iraq, while Iran's ambitions lie in preserving a Shiite-dominated state that relies on Tehran for its survival. If we are not careful, the clerical regime will seek to leverage the chaos in Mesopotamia to extract nuclear concessions from us before the Sunday deadline for a deal as talks continue in Vienna this week. We need to be careful not to create indebtedness, even perceived indebtedness... As the conflict grows, America has been reluctant to engage, insensitive to our regional allies' concerns, and unusually deferential to our adversaries' ambitions. Although Iran would welcome a stable Shiite-dominated Iraq, it has little interest in an Iraq where Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds cooperate. Iranian ambitions are best served by Shiite authoritarians in Baghdad who dominate the country's Sunni citizens and are at odds with Sunni Arabs elsewhere... It is equally imperative to prevent the turmoil in Iraq and Syria from easing America's red lines on Iran's nuclear program. Countering the nuclear challenge from Tehran is straightforward: The U.S. and its allies have to demand and devise an Iranian civilian nuclear program that cannot be exploited for military purposes. To achieve that goal, the White House must make clear that the hardened uranium-enrichment facility in Fordow must be closed and not transformed into an easily convertible research-and-development installation. The Arak plutonium plant has to be similarly neutered. And finally, the main enrichment facility at Natanz has to be dramatically scaled back and all enriched uranium shipped abroad for fuel reprocessing. Washington must also insist on a credible verification regime. The Islamic Republic has to come clean about all of its past weaponization activities. If the purpose of an agreement is to put distance between current capacities and nuclear breakout, how can outsiders reliably calculate how quickly an Iranian decision to weaponize could be put into effect without a thorough accounting of past actions? Iran must also submit to intrusive inspections, without challenge or delay, at any site identified by the United Nations' International Atomic Energy Agency. This means snap examinations of any suspect facility by inspectors permanently stationed in Iran. One of the problems with the Joint Plan of Action-signed in late 2013 by Iran and six other powers, including the U.S.-is that it stipulates that any final agreement on Tehran's nuclear program will have a sunset clause. Upon its expiration, whenever that may be, Iran would be free to build up an industrial-size program, giving it the ability to manufacture an arsenal of nuclear arms at short notice. It is unclear what legitimate purpose is served by this. The sunset clause must be removed. There are also great dangers if the interim agreement under the Joint Plan of Action is succeeded by another interim agreement or even if the current negotiating window is extended by another six months. The administration will be sorely tempted to let negotiations continue to drag on, hoping that the Iranians will relent and drop their resistance to any meaningful rollback of their nuclear program. But the current lull during the 'freeze' on Iranian nuclear development limits only some nuclear activities; the Iranians continue to build other essential elements, such as improving the efficiency of centrifuges. As centrifuge-enrichment capacity increases, Tehran's ability to construct clandestine enrichment sites alarmingly grows. (The lull also has let the Iranian economy improve; inflation is down and their currency has strengthened, further reducing our leverage.) Time is not on our side." http://t.uani.com/WmOdyu

Glenn Kessler in WashPost: "The National Iranian American Council (NIAC), a group that aims to foster better ties between the United States and Iran, has garnered a fair amount of publicity for a report titled, 'Losing Billions: The Cost of Iran Sanctions to the U.S. Economy.' The cover of the report shows U.S. dollars disappearing in a black hole... But there is the issue of how the report is framed, as illustrated in the news release. First of all, note that the report carefully refers to 'job opportunities,' not jobs. (Parsi's quote in the news release is less careful.) That's because one cannot assume that that people remain unemployed, year after year. You certainly cannot add up the job numbers over time, though that's what some reporters did - perhaps misled by Table 4, which lists 'job losses' year by year, though it correctly does not offer a total... Meanwhile, there's a problem with the headline number of $175 billion in lost exports. Hufbauer says that this really should be expressed as an annual figure, or at the least make clear that it is over an 18-year period. (The report instead says 'from 1995 to 2012.') 'The authors are trying to get as high a number as possible,' but he said an annual figure provides more context. NIAC here is playing a game with 'big numbers.' While $175 billion sounds like a lot, it is only 5/1,000th of the total U.S. exports over that 18-year period. In other words, it's barely a rounding error in the trillions of dollars of U.S. trade over nearly two decades. Yet the report asserts that 'the negative impact of sanctions to the U.S. economy has been staggering...the human cost has been even greater.' Moreover, the number assumes that American businesses simply sat on their hands when they lost access to the Iranian market-rather than search for other markets for their products. 'What do companies do when a market is cut off?' said Hufbauer. 'They look for new markets.' ... The impact of U.S-led sanctions on the United States might be worthy subject for inquiry, but NIAC is gilding the lily here. The report does not do enough to make clear that there is a difference between 'lost jobs' and 'lost job opportunities' - and should have expressed the export number on an annual basis, with a clear explanation of what that number means in the overall U.S. economy." http://t.uani.com/WhRP4u

Eye on Iran is a periodic news summary from United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) a program of the American Coalition Against Nuclear Iran, Inc., a tax-exempt organization under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. Eye on Iran is not intended as a comprehensive media clips summary but rather a selection of media elements with discreet analysis in a PDA friendly format. For more information please email Press@UnitedAgainstNuclearIran.com

United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) is a non-partisan, broad-based coalition that is united in a commitment to prevent Iran from fulfilling its ambition to become a regional super-power possessing nuclear weapons.  UANI is an issue-based coalition in which each coalition member will have its own interests as well as the collective goal of advancing an Iran free of nuclear weapons.





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