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Reflections
on the Murders in Paris
by Jonathan Spyer
PJ Media
January 12, 2015
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The Islamic world is currently in the midst of a great historic
convulsion. This process is giving birth to political trends and
movements of a murderously violent nature. These movements offer a
supposed escape route from the humiliation felt at the profound societal
failure of the Arab and to a slightly lesser extent the broader Muslim
world.
The escape is by way of the most violent and intolerant historic
trends of Islam, into a mythologized and imagined past. The route to this
old-new imagined utopia is a bloody one. All who oppose or even slight it
must die. The simple and brutal laws of 7th century Muslim
Arabia are re-applied, in their literal sense. The events of last week in
Paris were a manifestation of this trend.
These trends exist not only in the Arab and Muslim worlds themselves.
Because of mass immigration from the Arab and Muslim world to western
European countries, they are also powerful and present in immigrant
communities in these countries. The Kouachi brothers and Amedi Coulibaly
are the latest, and no doubt not the last representatives of this
political world to impose themselves on us.
The political trend in question is called political Islam. It
manifests itself in its most extreme form in the rival global networks of
the Al Qaeda movement and the Islamic State. But these, alas, are only
the sharp tip of a much larger iceberg.
Political Islamists are not all,
or mainly, young men from slums.
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Political Islamists are not all, or mainly, young men from slums. On
the contrary, its adherents include heads of state, powerful economic
interests and media groups, and prominent cultural figures. Some of
these, absurdly, were even present at the "solidarity rally" in
Paris.
They rendered this event an empty spectacle by their presence.
Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu of Turkey, for example, came to offer
his solidarity to the victims of journalists murdered by Islamists in
Paris, just two days after the Turkish courts sentenced a pianist to a 10
month prison sentence, suspended for five years, for the crime of
"denigrating religion (ie Islam)." More urgently, Turkey has
been an active supporter of both Islamic State and al-Qaeda forces in
northern Syria over the last three years. That is, Davutoglu was marching
in condemnation of forces to which his own government has offered
support.
Political Islam is a reaction to profound societal failure. It is also
a flight into unreality. It has nothing practical to offer as an actual
remedy to Arab and Islamic developmental problems. Economic, legal and
societal models deriving from the 7th century Arabian desert
are fairly obvious impediments to success in the 21st.
Where they are systematically imposed, as in the Islamic State, they
will create something close to hell on earth. Where they remain present
in more partial forms — as in Qatar, Gaza, Iran, (increasingly) Turkey,
and so on — they will merely produce stifling, stagnant and repressive
societies.
But the remedy for failure that political Islam offers is not a
material one. It offers in generous portions the intoxicating
psychological cocktail of murderous rage and self-assertion, and the desire
to strike out and destroy those deemed enemies — infidels who transgress
binding religious commandments, Jews and so on.
This is not the first time that Europe has encountered political
phenomena based on murderous rage and utopias buried in the magical past.
The European fascist movements produced precisely such a mix. But of
course, this time around, the rage and the utopia derive not from
European culture, but from an alien culture which has implanted itself
among the Europeans.
Arab and Muslim societies may be
basket cases, but they retain an exceptionally strong and vivid sense
of themselves.
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Here is the second part of the problem. Arab and Muslim societies may
be basket cases, but they retain an exceptionally strong and vivid sense
of themselves. It is the irony of history that this sense of self is
precisely of a type that is bound to keep their societies mired in
failure. But history favors irony, and this sense nevertheless remains
powerfully experienced and hence politically potent. In this respect, the
modern Islamic world resembles western Europe of 80 or 90 years ago, but
not the contemporary continent.
In contemporary western European societies, political Islam meets a
human collectivity suffering, by contrast, from a profound loss of self.
No one, at least in the mainstream of politics and culture, seems able to
quite articulate what western European countries are for, or what they
oppose — at least beyond a sort of vapid belief in everyone doing what
they want and not bothering each other.
The result is that when violent political Islam collides with the
satiated, lost societies of western Europe, the response is not defiance
on the part of the latter, but rather fear.
This fear, as fear is wont to do, manifests itself in various, not particularly
edifying, ways.
In contemporary western European
societies, political Islam meets a human collectivity suffering from a
profound loss of self.
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The most obvious is avoidance ("the attacks had nothing to do
with Islam," "unemployment and poverty are the root
cause," "the Islamic State is neither Islamic nor a
state," etc etc).
Another is appeasement — "maybe if we give them some of what they
want, they'll leave us alone."
This response perhaps partially explains the notable adoption in parts
of western Europe of the anti-Jewish prejudice so prevalent in the
Islamic world.
The ennui of the western European mainstream will almost certainly
prevent the adoption of the very tough measures which alone might serve
to adequately address the burgeoning problem of large numbers of young
European Muslims committed to political Islam and to violence against
their host societies.
Such measures — which would include tighter surveillance and policing
of communities, quick deportations of incendiary preachers, revocation of
citizenship for those engaged in violence, possible imprisonment of
suspects and so on — would require a political will which is manifestly
absent. So it wont happen. So the events of Paris will almost certainly
recur.
And lastly, since the elites will not be able to produce resistance,
it will come from outside of the elites. Hence the growth of populist,
nationalist parties and movements in western Europe. But Europe being
what it is, such revivalist movements are likely to contain a hefty dose
of the xenophobia and bigotry which characterized the continent of old.
None of this can, at present, be discussed in polite European society.
But all of it is fairly obvious. For this reason, Europe's Jews are at
present warily eying the door. As someone who was born in western Europe,
and left it 25 years ago for Israel, I am happy to conclude that as a
result of the efforts and sacrifice of many, Europe's Jews are this time
around neither defenseless nor alone. Nor will their blood be free to be
taken with impunity.
Jonathan
Spyer is director of the Global Research
in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center, and a fellow at the Middle East Forum. He is the
author of The
Transforming Fire: The Rise of the Israel-Islamist Conflict
(Continuum, 2011).
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