The
Politicization of Middle East Studies
by Efraim Karsh and Asaf
Romirowsky
The American Interest
September 18, 2015
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The influential Middle East Studies Association objects to the State
Department's definition of anti-Semitism, thereby giving up any pretense of
professionalism it still had.
It has been a while since the Middle East Studies Association (MESA),
the largest and most influential professional body for the study of the
region, whose 2,700-plus members inhabit departments of Middle East studies
throughout the world, dropped its original designation as a
"non-political learned society" to become a hotbed of anti-Israel
invective. So deep has the rot settled that the association seems totally
oblivious (or rather indifferent) to the fact that its recent endorsement
of the anti-Israel de-legitimization campaign, and attendant efforts to
obstruct the containment of resurgent anti-Semitism on U.S. campuses, have
effectively crossed the thin line between "normal" Israel-bashing
and classical Jew baiting.
On February 15 of this year, a MESA referendum approved a resolution,
passed by the membership during the association's annual meeting three
months earlier, which not only lauded the "calls for [anti-Israel]
institutional boycott, divestment, and/or sanctions [BDS]" as
"legitimate forms of non-violent political action" and deplored
opposition to these exclusionary moves as an assault on the freedom of
speech, but "strongly urge[d] MESA program committees to organize
discussions at MESA annual meetings, and the MESA Board of Directors to
create opportunities over the course of the year that provide platforms for
a sustained discussion of the academic boycott and foster careful
consideration of an appropriate position for MESA to assume."
Jews have of course been subjected to all kinds of segregation,
ostracism, and boycotting from time immemorial and the BDS is but the
latest manifestation of this millenarian hate fest. Those sponsoring it are
obviously more interested in hurting Israel, if not obliterating it
altogether (as many of its leaders have openly conceded), than in promoting
human rights; otherwise they would be pushing boycotts of the numerous
Middle Eastern dictatorships that are guilty of the most horrendous
atrocities against their own peoples rather than targeting the region's
only democracy, and the only place in the Middle East where academics enjoy
complete and unrestricted freedom of expression.
There were, for example, no boycotts of Saddam's Iraq, Qaddafi's Libya,
or King Hussein's Jordan, the latter of which killed more Palestinians in
the single month of September 1970 than Israel did in decades. Nor has
there been a boycott of the Syrian regime, which slaughtered far more
people over the past four years than those killed during the 100 years of
Arab-Israeli infighting; or of its Iranian abettor, which, apart from
torturing its hapless subjects for nearly four decades and triggering a war
that claimed some million lives, is the world's foremost sponsor of
terrorism and an open proponent of a genocide against an existing member of
the international community; or of Turkey for its oppression of the vast
Kurdish and Alevi minorities and the incarceration of thousands of
political activists on the flimsiest and most dubious charges; or of Saudi
Arabia for its political oppression and gender apartheid; or of the
oppressive and corrupt regime in the West Bank and Gaza established by
Yasser Arafat (the so-called Palestinian Authority). And so on and so
forth.
Nor do these boycotts, especially the academic one, reflect an honest
sense of solidarity with the Palestinians in general, and the Palestinian
universities of the West Bank and Gaza in particular, which for the past
two decades have been under the control not of Israel but of the
Palestinian Authority. Rather, they are an unabashed attempt to single out
Israel as a pariah nation, to declare its existence illegitimate. As
such, Israeli universities are to be ostracized not for any supposed
repression of academic freedom but for their contribution to the creation
and prosperity of the Jewish state of Israel, a supposedly racist,
colonialist implant in the Middle East as worthy of extirpation as the
formerly apartheid regime of South Africa.
Given these circumstances, it was only natural for MESA President Nathan
Brown to warn University of California President Janet Napolitano last
month that its adoption of the State Department
definition of anti-Semitism, as requested by some Jewish organizations,
"would
have a chilling effect on scholarly discussion of international affairs in
California." This is because, in his view, the definition
"includes, as examples of anti-Semitism, certain kinds of
philosophical and political criticisms of the State of Israel which are not
only valid topics of academic discussion but are protected by the free
speech guarantees of the U.S. Constitution and by the principles of
academic freedom enshrined in California law and in University of
California system policy."
It goes without saying that no state is above criticism and that
faulting Israel for acts of commission or omission is a legitimate part of
the political (and scholarly) discourse. But does the State Department
definition of anti-Semitism seek to stifle this discourse as Brown claims?
Quite the reverse, in fact: it takes care to stress that "criticism of
Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded
as anti-Semitic." At the same time, however, the definition makes a
clear distinction between such legitimate criticism and the constant
outpouring of outlandish anti-Israel diatribes (often masqueraded as
"philosophical and political criticisms") which it considers pure
and unadulterated anti-Semitism; and it offers three main ways in which
this bigotry is manifested:
- Demonization of the
Jewish State
by using the symbols and images associated with classic anti-Semitism
to characterize Israel or Israelis; drawing comparisons of
contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis; and blaming Israel
for all inter-religious or political tensions.
- Double Standard for Israel by
requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other
democratic nation.
- Delegitimizing
Israel
by denying the Jewish people its right to self-determination,
and denying Israel the right to exist.
Had such abuse been meted out to any other state, religious community,
or ethnic/national group in the Middle East (and beyond), it is doubtful
whether MESA would have considered it a "valid topic of academic
discussion." Yet its leaders and luminaries have had no qualms about
singling out Jews and Israelis for disproportionate and unique opprobrium
and denying them—and them alone—the basic right to national
self-determination while allowing it to all other groups and communities,
however new and tenuous their claim to nationhood. The late Edward Said,
who exerted immense influence on the association despite having done no
independent research on the Middle East or Islam, was a vocal proponent of
the "one-state solution"—the standard euphemism for Israel's
replacement by an Arab/Muslim state in which Jews would be reduced to a
permanent minority. Past MESA presidents like Rashid
Khalidi (holder of the Edward Said chair at Columbia University), Joel Beinin, Juan Cole, among others, have, in one form or
another, publicly advocated the destruction of Israel as a state. This is
not a legitimate "philosophical and political criticism of the State
of Israel" but reiteration of the millenarian anti-Semitic myth of the
"Wandering Jew": a rootless nomad lacking an authentic corporate
identity and condemned to permanent lingering on the fringes of history
without an indigenous place he could call home.
MESA's Jewish and Israeli members should therefore insist that their
association reverts to its original mission to "foster the study of
the Middle East, promote high standards of scholarship and teaching, and
encourage public understanding of the region and its peoples" rather
than endlessly obsess with Israel and Jews. Should this demand prove
unavailing, as it most likely will, they should shun membership in the
association. Fortunately enough, MESA is no longer the only professional
venue in the field of Middle Eastern studies.
Efraim Karsh is emeritus professor of Middle East and
Mediterranean Studies at King's College London and professor of political
studies at Bar-Ilan university, where he is also a senior research
associate at the BESA Center for Strategic Studies. Asaf Romirowsky
is Executive Director of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East (SPME) and a
research fellow at the Middle East Forum. The authors thank the Middle East Forum for its
sponsorship of this essay.
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