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Netanyahu the Palestinian
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But no one regards the prospect of
another Netanyahu government with more anguish than the Palestinians. In the
Arab-Israeli conflict's long, tortured history, they have reviled no Israeli
prime minister – with the possible exception of Ariel Sharon – more than
Netanyahu. The reason is simple: he is one of them.
Literally, of course, he is not.
But, unlike previous Israeli prime ministers (again, with the possible
exception of Sharon), Netanyahu has emulated the Palestinian political
strategy of sumud, or steadfastness.
The philosophy of sumud is
rooted in Palestinians' implacable belief in the righteousness of their cause
and the justness of their methods. It operates both passively and actively in
Palestinian culture, demanding stubbornness and tolerating ruthlessness,
violence, and duplicity.
At sumud's core lies the
unswerving, blinkered view that Israel is illegitimate and its duration
limited. As a result, Palestinian leaders have for decades mobilized their
society to outlast Israel. Indoctrination begins at a young age through
family, education, and media, and later encourages more aggressive
resistance, including terrorism.
In other words, Palestinians are
playing a long game. But plans for a functioning Palestinian state that do
not depend on foreign aid have been conspicuously absent, save for the recent
efforts of Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.
Netanyahu's version of sumud
is evident in his policies and rhetoric, which focus on Israel's legitimacy,
necessity, and permanence. Indeed, his speeches frequently offer lessons in
Jewish history, while casting the "Holy Land" as both a Jewish
right and an Israeli national symbol.
Addressing the United Nations in September, Netanyahu
highlighted his core message for all, especially Israelis: "Three
thousand years ago, King David reigned over the Jewish state in our eternal
capital, Jerusalem. I say that to all those who proclaim that the Jewish
state has no roots in our region, and that it will soon disappear." Such
rhetoric compliments a long-term strategy of strengthening Israeli control
over core areas, especially Jerusalem and its suburbs.
Indeed, while settlement-building in
the West Bank has slackened, it continues. Moreover, aggressive
counter-terrorism activities and the separation barrier have decisively
reduced cross-border attacks, containing mounting pressure in Palestine as
the conflict remains on the back burner. And Netanyahu continues to oversee
economic expansion and improved foreign relations, despite hostile rhetoric
from Europe and elsewhere.
The Palestinians seem to recognize
Netanyahu's variety of sumud for what it is. His steadfastness – and
declining international interest in their struggle, as the world's focus
shifts to the Arab Spring's Islamist winter – stymies any advance toward an
agreement.
The US is, perhaps, equally
frustrated. Israeli prime ministers are supposed to come in two varieties:
heavily accented Eastern European men and grizzled military officers who talk
a good game before acquiescing to the latest American or international
demands for concessions, talks, and aid. While previous prime ministers like
Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir were not averse to lecturing, they lacked
strategic cunning.
Netanyahu's unwillingness to
compromise disconcerts, confuses, and often enrages Americans. His relentless
disquisitions on Israel's strategic environment, security requirements, red
lines, and Jewish history are offset only by conciliatory talk about
reopening negotiations, which are immediately reject by the Palestinians,
who, like him, fear showing weakness.
Furthermore, Netanyahu's
unsentimental assessment of the Middle East does not line up with that of the
Obama administration – in thrall to its collapsing romance with moderate
Islamists – and its devoted supporters among Jewish Americans. These groups
do not understand Netanyahu, who proclaims Jewish rights, defends his
country's interests, and hints at conciliation but gives up little – much
like a traditional Arab leader.
Despite considerable Israeli disgust
with Netanyahu's party, allies, and policies, no credible rival exists.
Israelis grudgingly accept that the country and its geopolitical situation
are relatively stable, especially in view of its immediate neighborhood – a
burning Syria, a smoldering Egypt, and a volatile Lebanon. Moreover, those
variables that could upend Netanyahu's re-election – the situation in Gaza
and Lebanon, for example, or deteriorating conditions in Sinai and Jordan,
any of which could drag Israel into unwanted military operations – now appear
unlikely to influence the outcome.
As a result, Netanyahu's position is
strong. The Palestinians initiated a zero-sum game that has given him the
upper hand. By using the Palestinians' own strategy, he has cornered them.
After all, genuine peace efforts by the Palestinians – based on a two-state
solution with no "right of return" for post-1948 refugees – would
enrage Hamas and revive factional violence, adding another self-defeat to an
already long list.
With such help from the Palestinians
– for example, Hamas bitterly castigated Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas
recently after he inadvertently implied giving up the right of return –
Netanyahu may well rule Israel and Palestine for the foreseeable future.
Alex Joffe is a New York-based
writer on international affairs. He is a Shillman-Ginsburg Fellow of the
Middle East Forum. |
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