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Palestinian People's Message to Kerry: Go Away!
by Khaled Abu
Toameh
March 17, 2014 at 5:00 am
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Even if Abbas is forced -- under U.S.
Pressure and threats -- to make concessions, the Palestinians will not
"relinquish their rights."
"If you make any concession, the
people and I will take to the street and chant against you and demand that
you go away." — Qassem Najjar, Palestinian songwriter.
The Palestinians feel that U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry is not
listening to what they have to say about his efforts to achieve peace in the
middle East.That Is why they have decided to express their views through a new song that is dedicated to Kerry personally. A video of the song, by Qassem Najjar, was posted on YouTube and other social media outlets on the eve of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's visit to Washington for talks with President Barack Obama on the peace process with Israel. While heaping praise on Abbas, the singer mocks Kerry and accuses him of presenting a "Zionist plan" with the intention of eliminating the Palestinian cause. Najjar decided to publish his new song after he and other Palestinians were left with the impression that Kerry is not accurately hearing their position regarding his ideas for a "framework agreement" with Israel. The words of the song, which is entitled, "The Palestinian People's Message to Kerry," express the negative attitude that many Palestinians and Arabs have toward his ideas. But Najjar is also hoping that his song will send a warning to the Palestinian Authority leadership. "My message to the Palestinian Authority leadership is that as long as you are committed to the Palestinian rights, we are with you," the singer said. "But if you make any concession, the people and I will take to the street to chant against you and demand that you go away." The Palestinian Authority has endorsed the anti-Kerry song by allowing many of its news websites to publish it. A senior Palestinian Authority official in Ramallah explained that the new song is "100% accurate and honestly sums up the whole Palestinian position toward peace." Najjar is hoping that the song's message will reach Kerry and Obama before they meet with Abbas in Washington. He wants Washington to understand that even if Abbas is forced -- under U.S. pressure and threats -- to make concessions, the Palestinians will not "relinquish their rights." The song also reflects growing Palestinian suspicion toward Kerry's motives and accuses him of seeking to deceive the Palestinians through his ideas. Addressing Kerry, the singer warns the top US diplomat, "Go tell Obama and America that my land is not a piece of cake for you to share." Referring to the explosive issue of Palestinian refugees, Najjar sends the following message to Kerry, "We will not compromise the right of return; my homeland flag will be high. Listen John Kerry." Noting that the Arabs will not allow Kerry's plan to pass, the singer goes on to warn Kerry, "in the name of the martyrs, prisoners, homeland and revolution, Jerusalem is our free capital and will always be." After repeating Palestinian accusations against Israel over settlements and the "Judaization" of Jerusalem, Najjar cautions Kerry that he must "stop playing games because all your games have been exposed by President Abbas." Echoing previous statements by some of Abbas's advisors, the singer denounces Kerry's proposed agreement as a "Zionist scheme designed to liquidate the Palestinian cause." He also denounces as "racist" the demand for recognizing Israel as a Jewish state. This too is the official position of the Palestinian Authority and Abbas is once again expected to voice his opposition to this demand during his meeting with Obama. Another theme of the song that also reflects the official stance of the Palestinian Authority is the refusal to accept any Israeli presence in the West Bank after the signing of a peace agreement. In the words of the singer, "We do not accept Jews within our borders." It is no coincidence that the song was released on the eve of Abbas's visit to Washington. Abbas will use it to show Obama and Kerry why he can not make concessions to Israel. He will also use it to scare the Americans and show them how much Palestinians despise Obama and Kerry.
Related Topics: Khaled Abu
Toameh
Are the Palestinians Prepared for Peace?
by Bassam Tawil
March 17, 2014 at 4:45 am
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The Israelis remain hesitant and with
good reason. It is unclear how long Mahmoud Abbas will remain in office; his
presidency may easily be ended by a coup that will extend Hamas's power from
the Gaza Strip to the West Bank.
Unfortunately, whenever Mahmoud Abbas
speaks he contradicts himself, increasing Israel's reservations. The
Palestinians are brainwashing the younger generation with hatred and
hostility, and preparing them for continuing the conflict. We all understand
Abbas's manipulations: talk about peace and prepare the Palestinians for the
next war with Israel.
President Mahmoud Abbas recently gave a watershed speech in Ramallah,
speaking before 300 Israeli students. He stated (in English) that he had no
intention of flooding Israel with refugees and changing the character of the
country. He said that, as an academic, he had studied the murder of the
millions of Jews during the Holocaust and claimed he was not a Holocaust
denier. He admitted that the Palestinian Authority engaged in anti-Israeli
incitement but claimed that Israel also dealt in anti-Palestinian incitement.
Finally, he told the assembled students that he recognized the State of
Israel as an established fact and that he did not want to divide Jerusalem,
but rather to see it administered jointly by Palestinians and Israelis.Mahmoud Abbas spoke clearly and sincerely. He stated that he opposed the settlements, but also stressed that he did not seek to destroy Israel, and that all he wanted was to live in peace in a Palestinian state, side by side with the State of Israel. It was encouraging to hear the Palestinian president promising that the Palestinians would not again choose the path of violence and terrorism to achieve their national goals, even if the peace talks failed. His remarks also make it clear to the Palestinian people that their leadership had, if later rather than sooner, decided correctly to interpret Palestinian interests, instead of again sacrificing its human and material assets in the service of countries that wanted to exploit the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to achieve their own narrow objectives. The Palestinian president demonstrated political maturity and there is no doubt that he has taken a giant step towards peace. As opposed to other Palestinian leaders, Mahmoud Abbas represents rational political thought. Anyone who assumed until recently that Palestine would be liberated by force with the direct military involvement and support of the Arab countries was sorely disappointed. The scales have fallen from the eyes of those who favor jihad and hoped Allah would send his angels to kill the Jews. They have experienced both the blows dealt them by Israel and the empty promises of aid glibly given by the Arab states, and now have to deal with Islamic jihad movements in their own countries as well. The ongoing mass slaughter of civilians in the Arab Spring countries does not ensure the Palestinians either aid or a solution to their problems. There are still many Palestinians, however, who mistakenly believe the Europeans fully support them. They expect the European Union to exert pressure on Israel and impose boycotts that will force it to withdraw unconditionally from the West Bank, the Jordan Valley and Jerusalem. The Palestinian expectation that Israel will be subjected to the same kind of international sanctions and boycotts imposed on South Africa's apartheid regime is a pipe dream, and Mahmoud Abbas apparently no longer harbors much hope that it will come to pass. Unfortunately, despite the positive changes in the Palestinian president's approach, the Israelis remain hesitant, and with good reason. It is unclear how long Mahmoud Abbas will remain in office; his presidency may easily be ended by a coup that will extend Hamas's power from the Gaza Strip to the West Bank. The Israeli leadership is also worried by the Islamist terrorism in Syria and Lebanon, and by a possible agreement that will leave the Palestinians in control of the Jordan Valley corridor. In such a case the mujahedin [warriors in the cause of Islam] of the Islamist terrorist organizations will be able to infiltrate through the Jordan Valley into Israeli territory, endanger Israel's security and menace its citizens. The Lebanese sector is also potentially dangerous, and only a few days ago Israel attacked a convoy of long-range missiles en route from Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon, and intercepted a ship packed with missiles and other weapons headed from Iran to Gaza -- reminders of Iran's military buildups and preparations for the next round. Israel's confrontations with Hamas in the Gaza Strip continue. Persecuted by the Egyptian security forces, Hamas sends its operatives to instigate incidents and create chaos on the Israeli border in an attempt to circumvent the Egyptian siege. In the meantime, in Syria, Islamist terrorist movements such as Ahrar al-Sham, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, Al-Qaeda and the Al-Nusra Front fight against both the Syrian army and each other. The Syrian border is also of concern to Israel, which worries that eventually the Islamist terrorist movements will turn their weapons against it. It is reasonable to assume that the Israelis are currently asking themselves the following question: Did Mahmoud Abbas' speech reflect a genuine, comprehensive Palestinian willingness and ability to make painful concessions, to make peace and maintain long-term security with Israel on the ground, or was it an exercise in empty rhetoric? After the Jewish-Arab bloodbath of the past hundred years, Mahmoud Abbas should concentrate his efforts on winning Israel's trust. He is currently walking an existential tightrope: the Palestinian people expect an overall "return" to the territories their grandparents and great-grandparents abandoned almost 70 years ago, effectively establishing a Palestinian state on the territory and ruins of the State of Israel. At the same time, he understands that the Jews are aware that the "return" would mean Israel's physical destruction, which is not an option for them. Israel's reactions have shown the Palestinians that they can no longer maneuver Israel with lies, promises, blackmail and extortion. Israel's leaders are not about to freely commit political or national suicide by agreeing to anything that would not fully answer Israel's security and peace needs -- the reason many Palestinians are actively planning a third intifada against Israel. In his most recent statements, Mahmoud Abbas has tried to break through Israel's wall of distrust, but because of Palestinian political constraints he cannot recognize Israel as a Jewish state. The Israelis are fully aware that the motif of the "return" as a condition for the permanent status agreement continues raising its head in the media and is demanded by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian Authority-administered territories, and in the refugee camps and cities of Arab countries. That being so, Israel continues to suspect that the Palestinians are being less than sincere and will never accept Israel as an independent country in the Middle East. Reading between the lines of Palestinian propaganda and incitement disseminated daily by the Qatari TV station Al-Jazeera, it is obvious to both the Israelis and the Americans that the Palestinians are still not ready for an agreement that will end the conflict and write finis to their unrealistic demands. It is also obvious that despite Mahmoud Abbas' soothing speeches, the dream of peace is still only a dream. Unfortunately, whenever Mahmoud Abbas speaks he contradicts himself, increasing Israel's reservations regarding the Palestinian leadership. In various interviews Mahmoud Abbas has said that he personally has waived his own right of return to Safed, the city of his birth, but that he does not and cannot waive the right of return of the Palestinian people because it is an "individual right" and every Palestinian must decide for himself. For Israelis, who are used to democracy, the leadership is chosen to craft the national policy and represent the collective will of the people, and is expected to fulfill the conditions of agreements it signs. Mahmoud Abbas' evasive declarations and verbal acrobatics signal a failure of leadership. They reveal the unfortunate fact that the Palestinians, who want to establish a state of their own, will continue to demand that the descendants of the Palestinian refugees of 1948 be housed not in their new state of Palestine, presumably created just for that, but in the neighboring State of Israel, which they will oppose and fight even after an agreement is signed. The Palestinian demand for the "right of return" will remain without a solution; it is interpreted in Israel as a demographic threat to flood Israel with Arabs, with the intention of destroying it. There is no manipulation the Palestinians can invent that will convince Israel to accept and sign an agreement with that Palestinian condition. If Mahmoud Abbas cannot, in the name of the Palestinian people, waive the comprehensive "right of return" and instead leaves the main aspect of the conflict unresolved and unresolvable, the entire enterprise is doomed to failure. Another critical issue is the continuation of Palestinian anti-Israeli incitement, which befouls the atmosphere and increases Israeli suspicions, blocking the path to the trust necessary on both sides if there is a genuine desire to achieve peace. The Israeli demand that the Palestinians stop their incitement is not a trifling matter. There is no validity whatsoever to Mahmoud Abbas' comparison between Palestinian and Israeli incitement. Even if anti-Palestinian incitement is spread by the extreme right wing in Israel, it is marginal, does not reflect the opinions of the overwhelming majority of Israelis and is not institutionalized or accepted as policy by the Israeli establishment. In the Palestinian Authority, however, anti-Israeli incitement is a matter of official policy directed by the Palestinian leadership. Mahmoud Abbas and his close associates in the government, the heads of the religious and educational establishments, and the Palestinian national media all methodically spread anti-Israeli propaganda and incite the Palestinians to violence and terrorism against Israel on a daily basis. It is a sorry fact that Palestinian anti-Israeli incitement still calls for the destruction of the State of Israel, glorifies Palestinian suicide bombers who kill Jews -- calling them "martyrs" [shaheeds] and promoting them as role models for impressionable youths -- and idealizes the armed campaign to destroy Zionism and Israel. That is not the way to construct a dynamic for peace. In effect, the Palestinians are not preparing the younger generation for peace with Israel, but are brainwashing them with hatred and hostility and preparing them for continuing the conflict. Every system within the Palestinian government praises and glorifies terrorist attacks; the imams in the mosques talk about the liberation of "all of Palestine, from the [Jordan] river to the [Mediterranean] sea"; government ministers and President Mahmoud Abbas idealize the shaheeds and praise the murders carried out by the Palestinian prisoners released from Israeli jails. Highly placed figures in the Palestinian Authority name town squares after suicide bombers who have killed Israeli civilians, while imams call for jihad against Israel and the murder of Jews. While the English-speaking peace-mongers of the West are blissfully trapped in the Palestinians' web of doubletalk, every Arabic speaker knows that the Palestinian people are not being prepared for peace. We all understand Abbas's manipulations: talk about peace and prepare the Palestinians for the next war with Israel. Therefore, the demand of the Israelis, who know what messages Mahmoud Abbas sends to his Arabic-speaking constituents, for putting an end to the incitement is both understandable and reasonable. Any leader who incites his public to acts of violence and terrorism and preaches hatred is not planning to create mutual trust and peace, not in this generation and not in the next or the one after that. Such a leader shows himself to be hypocritical schemer, and sows fear and suspicion. In the meantime, the Europeans and Americans have adopted the poses of the three monkeys -- hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil -- even in the face of the transparency of the Palestinian plot, which will only lead both the Israelis and Palestinians to catastrophe down the road.
Related Topics: Bassam Tawil
Netherlands: Iranian Agents Kidnap, Torture
by Shadi Paveh
March 17, 2014 at 4:30 am
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For the first time in the
Netherlands, an Iranian -- an Arab poet -- was kidnapped and tortured by
Iranian government agents there.
According to a report by Karim Dahimi that was widely reported in Farsi,
on March 6, 2014, an Ahwazi Arab-Iranian poet and human rights activist
living in the Netherlands, Mr. Saeed Mousa Mosavi, was kidnapped and beaten
by agents of the Islamic Republic of Iran after he returned to his home in
the evening.Mosavi stated that during his ordeal, he was stripped naked, videotaped and tortured with electric shocks. The agents apparently knew about Mosavi's daily activities, and interrogated him about Ahwazi activists who had visited him at his home. He was also questioned about several specific Iranian-Arab activists. Previously, in Hamburg, Germany, Mosavi had received phone threats in Farsi after his Arabic poetry recitals, but said he had chosen to ignore the calls. During his his captivity, he said, his captors told him "he should have listened to their earlier warnings." Mosavi is one of the most famous poets of Ahwaz. His activities, both inside and outside Iran, have always been of a cultural nature, specifically classic Arabic poetry. The Islamic Republic systematically persecutes various ethnic and religious minority groups inside Iran. Arabs in Iran constitute approximately two-to-five million people, or up to seven percent of the population. They mainly live in the oil-rich Khuzestan province in southern Iran, which is also known as Ahwaz by the Arab-Iranians. According to an Amnesty International report on Iran, "Despite constitutional guarantees of equality, individuals belonging to minorities in Iran are subject to an array of discriminatory laws and practices. These include land and property confiscations, denial of employment under the discriminatory gozinesh selection criteria and restrictions on social, cultural, linguistic and religious freedoms leading to other human rights violations, such as the imprisonment of prisoners of conscience, grossly unfair trials of political prisoners before Revolutionary Courts, corporal punishment and use of the death penalty, as well as restrictions on movement and denial of other civil rights" The assault on Mosavi is not the first time an Ahwazi activist has been targeted by the Iranian regime outside Iran. Previously in the Netherlands, the house of another Iranian Ahwazi was set on fire after he was directly threatened by agents of the Iranian government.
Related Topics: Iran
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