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Flight
of Christians from Mid-East Reaches Syria
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"Christians
are being ethnically cleansed throughout the Middle East." — Ken
Blackwell, Becket Fund for Religious Liberty.
A mass exodus of Christians, including a group
evacuated from the besieged city of Homs, have been fleeing Syrian cities for
safety. Caught in the middle of a showdown between opposition forces and the
Syrian army, many Christians fear the prospect of an Islamist-led government if
President Bashar al-Assad is deposed.
On July 11, Maximos al-Jamal, a Greek Orthodox
priest, negotiated a deal between armed rebels and the army to evacuate 63
Christians caught in the crossfire in the bombed-out city of Homs, the
Associated Press
reports.
Al-Jamal feared that as army attacks intensified, rebels were keeping
Christians in the city as bargaining chips As al-Jamal told the Associated
Press, "Gunmen have told the besieged people that if you go out of these
areas, we will die."
Before Syria's uprising began early last year,
thousands of Christians lived in Homs. Today, however, according to al-Jamal,
only 100 Christian civilians remain, a loss that probably contributed more to
rebel attacks against Christians than the army's bombardment of the city.
"The armed [rebels] in Syria [have]
murdered more than 200 Christians in the city of Homs, including entire
families with young children," a priest in Homs
told Barnabas
Aid magazine. "These gangs kidnapped Christians and demanded high
ransoms. In two cases, after the ransoms were paid, the men's bodies were
found."
The evacuation of Christians from Homs is only
the latest occurrence in a mass exodus of Christians from Syrian cities. In
June, nearly 10,000 Christians fled Qusayr after being given an ultimatum to
leave the city by a rebel commander,
Barnabas Aid reported
. The threat was apparently echoed in the city mosques: "Christians must
leave Qusayr within six days, ending Friday (June 8
)." Rebels,
however, denied the accusations; they claimed that Christians began fleeing
months earlier, when the army shelled the city.
Many Syrian Christians, considered loyal to
President Assad, are afraid that rebel groups—widely led by Islamists—will
persecute non-Muslims and stifle religious freedoms. Historically, Christians
have been granted a higher degree of freedom in Syria than in most other Middle
Eastern countries. Despite reports of massive violence initiated by the regime,
many Syrian Christians still believe that Assad is their final hope for a
peaceful existence.
"Christians are increasingly being
targeted and driven out of their homes and districts." Elizabeth Kendal
wrote
for the
Religious Liberty Prayer Bulletin. "Some 138,000 Christians
have fled Homs, where Christians have been terrorised and churches have been
looted and occupied by rebel forces... In areas under rebel control,
intolerant, hard-line Sunni fundamentalism is making Muslim-Christian
coexistence impossible. For the jihadists, neutrality is not an option, and
Christians (and Muslims) refusing to support the jihad are being tortured,
expelled and murdered."
As in
Egypt,
Tunisia,
and other Arab countries, the uprisings in Syria—which initially called for
democratic change and greater freedoms—provided a platform for Islamists,
long-suppressed under authoritarian rule, to rally behind a fundamentalist
agenda.
"For the newest generation of Sunni
jihadists, Syria has become the latest front in the struggle to wrest control
of the region from rival religious sects and foreign occupation," Daniel
Brode, Roger Farhat, and Daniel Nisman, intelligence analysts at Max-Security
Solutions,
wrote
in an op-ed for the
New York Times. "Many of these fighters hail
from the vast reaches of North Africa and the Gulf, arriving in Syria with
weapons, funds and a radical ideology."
Asia News, quoting Kuwait's
Arabic-language newspaper,
Al-Qabas,
reported
that "jihadists" from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Pakistan
"crossed the Syrian-Turkish border to fight in the jihad alongside
[opposition forces]… against the regime of Bashar el Assad."
Moreover,
Agenzia Fides, the official Vatican
news agency,
reported
that, "armed opposition… is gradually radicalizing towards Sunni extremist
ideology." In another report,
Agenzia Fides stated
that Syria's Salafis—who follow the strict Wahhabi doctrine of Islam found in
Saudi Arabia—are carrying out "brief executions" against Christian
"infidels" while initiating a "sectarian war". These
Christians are given a choice to either join the opposition or face
"harassment, discrimination, [and] violence."
As war continues without resolution, there is
grave concern that Syrian Christians will follow the path of other ancient
Christian communities throughout the Middle East: In Iraq, after the US-led
invasion in 2003, more than half the Christian population—caught between Sunni
and Shia sectarianism— fled the country. In Egypt,
reports
indicate that since March 19, 2011, after the political rise of Islamic
parties, including the Muslim Brotherhood, at least 93,000 Christians have
sought visas to Western countries. The endangered status of Christians in Arab
countries is so severe that Ken Blackwell, a human rights expert and board
member of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty,
wrote
that "Christians are being ethnically cleansed throughout the Middle
East."
"Look at what happened in Egypt and
Iraq," a Syrian church leader, who asked to remain anonymous told
International Christian Concern.
"Christians want to peacefully go out and ask for certain changes, but
Islamist groups are sneaking in with their goal, which is not to make changes
for the betterment of Syria, but to take over the country with their agenda.
Christians will be the first to pay if this happens."
Turkey's
Humiliation in Syria
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My Asia Times
colleague MK Bhadrakumar writes of "
The Rise and fall
of Turkey's Erdogan" in Asia Times today. Per our July 22 discussion
just posted, Turkey got the short end of the stick in the Syrian stalemate.
Ambassador Bhadrakumar writes:
Someone is needed to plunge a sharp knife deep
into Bashar's back. Jordan's king can't do the job; he measures up only to
Bashar's knees. The Saudi and Qatari sheikhs with their ponderous, flabby body
are not used to physical activity; the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
prefers to be left alone, having burnt its fingers in Libya with a bloody
operation that borders on war crime. That leaves Turkey.
In principle, Turkey has the muscle power, but intervention
in Syria is fraught with risks and one of the enduring legacies of Kemal
Ataturk is that Turkey avoids taking risks. Besides, Turkey's military is not
quite in top form.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is also
unable to carry the majority opinion within Turkey in favor of a war in Syria,
and he is navigating a tricky path himself, trying to amend his country's
constitution and make himself a real sultan - as if French President Francois
Hollande were to combine the jobs of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault and
Socialist Party chief Martine Aubry.
MK is a terrific journalist, but he is also
close to Russian thinking, and the contemptuous tone of his assessment of
Erdogan probably reflects Russian disappointment with the Turkish prime
minister.
The
Call for July 22, 2012: "Russian Ambitions in the Middle East'
by David Goldman • Jul 23, 2012 at 2:49
pm
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The Gate conducts
regular conference calls with a group of journalists and invited experts. An
edited transcript of a July 22 roundtable is below
- Russia
will maintain its presence in Syria at all costs in order to prevent a
repeat of the NATO Libya intervention last year—even if this is unlikely
in an election year.
- The Free
Syrian Army is a tribal and confessional patchwork not presently capable
of ruling.
- Assad is
likely to survive, possibly by creating an Alawite enclave surrounded by a
chaotic tribal region in which various Sunni factions contend for power;
Russia would back this.
- Russia is
additionally concerned about Islamist elements in Syria igniting trouble
in its own Muslim regions, and is worried that Syrian chemical weapons
might end up in the hands of terrorists.
Participating:
Pepe Escobar, Roving Correspondent, the Asia
Times
David P. Goldman, "Spengler"
columnist at Asia Times and PJ Media and president of Macrostrategy LLC
David Samuels, Contributing Editor to Harper's
Magazine
Guests:
Jim Davis, President, South Shore Consultants
Tony Badran: Across the Bay blog, Fellow
at Foundation for the Defense of Democracies
David Samuels: After the devastation wreaked by
some unseen hand on the command and control structure of the Syrian security
apparatus, including the killing of Assad's brother-in-law, Asaf Shawkat, do
you imagine Russian military advisors will be stepping in more directly?
The second question is whether the Russians are
going to support Assad in carving out some type of Alawite-dominated rump
state, or if this was merely a short term adventure and now the party is over?
Jim Davis: From my point of view, I really do
believe that what the mass media is saying about the Russian influence in Syria
right now is slightly exaggerated. Russia does not have very heavy leverage or
influence on Assad. Russia basically is very interested in Syria from many
points of view, but mainly from an economic point of view. After the disaster
in Libya and other countries around the Middle East, Syria remains the main
consumer of Russian export products, i.e. – weaponry. Additionally, Syria is
the last country in the Middle East where Russia is maintaining its influence.
But mainly Syria is kind of a nuisance; from
what we know right now, Russia tried to influence Assad to take a more flexible
position with the opposition just two weeks ago, and Assad mainly ignored what
his Russian friends told him.
Now to the question of Russian military
advisors in Syria – their numbers are very limited. I've seen different
figures, I don't have a confirmed figure, but their functions are limited to
teaching the Syrian military how to use Russian military equipment. There are
no political advisors at all to the best of my knowledge.
David Samuels: The naval bases there are
important to them.
Jim Davis: There is no naval base in the
Western understanding. If we compare to an American military structure, the
best description is that there is a naval station. The infrastructure of the
station is very limited, mainly fit for refueling of Russian military vessels
there.
David Samuels: So maintaining those docking
rights is just a matter of prestige?
Jim Davis: That is what it is mainly. The main
purpose of this base was to serve the vessels belonging to the Russian Black
Sea Fleet. The Black Sea Fleet is basically one big ship and around a dozen
small ships and tankers, that's all they have there.
The Russian Navy is in a very difficult
position right now. It's very obsolete. And a good 35 percent of their naval
power is just on paper. When they sent this task force to the Mediterranean
about a week ago, they took ships from two fleets, the Northern fleet, which is
traditionally the strongest one, and from the Baltic fleet.
David Samuels: So your understanding is that
this was a cheap adventure, and in the end Putin can walk away and say,
"oh well, too bad…"
Jim Davis: Very interesting question. Russia is
paying a very high price right now in terms of its prestige in international
public opinion. So it is not so cheap. Providing limited military assistance
and sending all the ships and supporting naval stations over there, it costs a
lot of money.
David Samuels: So you think Putin will change
his mind now and walk away?
Jim Davis: We should take into consideration
the factor of Putin himself. He believes if he withdraws right now, he'll
repeat the mistake of Medvedev when he agreed to the United Nation's resolution
on Libya. He believes he should hang on until the end, for if he doesn't,
whether its true or not, he fears the United States and its allies will
interfere and he'll see the same as outcome as in Libya - and that's exactly
what he's trying to avoid. But I believe that psychologically the Russians are
ready to withdraw.
Pepe Escobar: What the Americans and the
Russians agreed to in Geneva to three week ago is that Russian would have a
"breather" of three months or so to try to coordinate some sort of a
political transition in Syria. This was the official statement "we want a
diplomatic solution somewhere in the next three to four months".
Jim Davis: The Russians are not idiots. They
realize clearly that they don't have that time anymore, after the attacks that
effectively eliminated the top brass of the Syrian military. I do believe that
Syria as a State is down for the count. Syria and its government cannot control
the security situation in the country.
Pepe Escobar: The head of Syria's four military
intelligence agencies were not killed in that blast, and this is something that
is really puzzling. General Assef Shawkat, more or less the mentor of Bassar
Assad, was killed, Hisham Ikhtiyar, the national security chief died of wounds
two days ago. The four guys who control the military intelligence apparatus are
still there, they are probably all at the Presidential Palace discussing their
next move. So the head of the snake is still there, most of the snake is still
there – so it is not over by any means.
Jim Davis: They are still there, but I don't
believe they can hang on. Even if the security apparatus is in place they can't
hang on, because of the situation is deteriorating every day.
David Goldman: Tony Badran, can you explain
what you've been writing about a "rump" Alawite state and a possible
division of Syria.
Tony Badran: I'm not suggesting they are going
to have a "State" in the way that we understand the word. I'm
suggesting they will have a protected enclave, which is a little bit different.
I think if you look at the pattern of the regime's operations in recent weeks
and months, if you look at geographic location of these battles, especially the
big high-profile massacres, they involve mass killings in Sunni villages that
are adjacent to Alawite village, within the traditional Alawite coastal
mountains or Sunni villages on the Eastern edge of the coastal Alawite
mountains along the Al-Ghab Plain.
If you look at Syria in Google Maps in
satellite form, you'll see where the mountains edge down to the plains, (where
the Orontes river passes) this is really the fault line in Syria, between where
the line of Alawite villages ends and the west end and the Sunni interior
begins. The regime has been trying to control things in two directions, in a
North-South direction and also in an East-West direction. The North-South is the
Damascus to Aleppo main artery. The towns along that strip are where the
heaviest fighting is going on. These are all the names of the villages we keep
seeing.
So what is the point of this? They are
preparing a buffer zone to keep the Sunni interior at bay, and to prevent the
East-West axis from reaching to the Alawite coast. This is where the fronts
are, on the entry points to the Alawite areas. If you look back to the Crusader
period, this is where the Crusader forts were as these are strategic access points
dating back centuries and centuries. If you look at that, there is clearly
something going on here, namely that a stronghold is being prepared.
One of the things that was lost on the Obama
administration was the basic equation – the Alawites are outnumbered, they are
facing geographic constraints as well as demographic constraints. The situation
very much resembles how it played out in Lebanon for Christians, where they
were able to hold on for quite a while with access to the Mediterranean and conduct
what became static warfare.
Far from being over for him, if Assad can
create security there, they can create a long-term war with the interior area,
with access to the Mediterranean, with all that that entails with access to
weaponry and stuff like that, the Iranians would definitely support this
scenario, and frankly why wouldn't the Russians support it, too?
Jim Davis: If that scenario comes about,
Russians will most likely support it. The Russians are most concerned with the
radical Islamization of the Middle East. They have terrible headaches with
their own Islamization, not only in the Caucasus, but also within traditional
Russian areas. There were a couple of terrorist attacks last week in Khazan,
which is close to Moscow. They really do believe this is a threat, and that is
a big reason they are supporting Assad – because he's not an Islamist
Tony Badran: A few months ago, Russian foreign
minister Sergei Lavrov said that "if the current Sunni regime were to
fall, there would be a desire and pressure by some countries in the region to
establish a Sunni regime, I have no doubt about that." He didn't say
Islamist mind you, he said a Sunni regime.
My point is that for Russia, there is nothing
to lose in this case, and everything to lose if Assad falls. If anyone is going
to project influence in a unified Syria post-Assad, (if that were in fact
possible, to achieve a unified Syria post-Assad) it would be a Sunni regional
power, be it Turkey, Saudi Arabia or Qatar projecting power into the area, it
will not be Russia and it will not be Iran. It is the marriage of the strategic
and the sectarian, and they will not be able to project power.
If you are capable of maintaining an Alawite
protectorate on the Mediterranean, which also coincides with another strategic
interest of Russia, to be a player in Eastern Mediterranean energy market to
Europe. That also coincides also in another Russian interest – screwing the
Turks.
They want to make sure that Turkey does not get
empowered in the post-Assad period, and if you can make an Alawite enclave with
a Border with Lebanon and Turkey, while the Sunni-Syrian interior including the
Kurdish north and east goes up in flames, all the better, as far as they are
concerned.
Pepe Escobar: I'd like to add something about
the Pipelinistan angle, the oil and gas angle. I'm referring to the deal, that
Tehran, Damascus and Baghadad sealed last year, a $10 billion dollar deal, to
build a gas pipeline from Iran, across Iraq, into Syria and then to the
Mediterranean coast. And who would lose in all this – Turkey. Then Iran and
Iraq and Syria would have a direct outlet to sell gas and oil via the Eastern
Mediterranean to Western Europe bypassing Turkey. What is the absolute
obsession of Turkey currently? To become the transit energy corridor to Europe.
Jim Davis – You're absolutely right: Turkey has
been working in that direction for the past 15 years.
David Goldman: To summarize, the balance of
power could be maintained with Alawite enclave, limitations on Turkish power
being put into place by the Saudis, with the Saudi money holding the purse
strings and keeping the Turks in place. What could go wrong in this scenario?
The chemical weapons? What are the possible fault lines where the scenario can
go wrong.
Jim Davis: I can tell you from the Russian
point of view. Their real concern is that the US and Western allies can go and
deal with the situation in Syria beyond the framework of the United Nations.
That's the nightmare from Moscow. That is what they believe can undermine all
the slants and scenarios in the region.
David Goldman: I agree it would be a terrible
idea. I think it's extremely unlikely in an election year. A vast majority of
Americans are against US going into Syria.
Jim Davis: Hypothetically from the Russian
point of view, the Russians, who are very suspicious people, see the situation
could occur, and they are afraid of this.
David Goldman: What is you view on the Syrian
chemical weapons?
Jim: Russians are equally if not more concerned
as the American people. These weapons could be smuggled into Russia and used in
Russia or in Central Asia in other places of vital concern to Russia.
Tony Badran: Where are the main (chemical
weapons) sites? I don't have new intelligence, but its known they were in Homs,
Damascus and Aleppo, as reports came on that these were moved long ago, from
Homs already a year ago.
Back in June 2007 there was a major explosion in Aleppo in a factory which
turned out to be a chemical weapons factory for to put chemical warheads for on
Skud 2 missiles. At the time of the explosion, it was reported that dozens of
Iranian scientists were killed in the explosion.
So it becomes apparent that the government of
Iran has been involved since the beginning. With that in mind, the passing on
to Hizbollah (of chemical weapons) becomes a moot point. They were involved in
financing and helping their allies make it from the beginning.
On the other hand, I don't think the point of
this stuff is to attack Israel. It can be turned against the Sunnis of Syria.
If you want to secure the Alawite enclave, and keep the Sunnis at bay, it's his
ace in the hole: if you come in here, I'm gonna release this stuff and kill
people (and I don't know if anyone would care). Assad clearly won't give the
stuff away to Al Queda, or in the areas he lost control over, against Israel –
that would defeat the purpose because it will mean the end of you. The target
is the Sunnis, and not anyone beyond the borders.
David Goldman: The Israelis have expressed the
fear that if Iran gets control of a chemical arsenal then they will use it as a
sort of second strike capability.
Jim Davis: Sorry to interrupt you, but that is
an exaggeration. Iran is known to be in possession of an incredible amount of
chemical weapons produced by themselves.
David Samuels: The actual warhead seems less
worrisome than the scenario Tony was sketching out before. Syria was under the
control of a bad man, but there was still a return address and a functioning
state structure. If you imagine a criminal enclave being created on the coast
with some Russian support, and then the chaos of an Islamist dominated lawless
hinterland, then you've turned Syria from a state actor to a zone of
criminality and chaos. You also have all of the people who were employed in
these former state programs, and it would be easy to lose track of 50 Syrian
scientists, who know how to do bad things and might end employed by whoever can
pay the most money or compel their services. What will breed within this
vacuum? It's very scary. People will move back and forth between Lebanon and
Iraq, and you'll have a human situation with all kinds of groups who will have
access to all the creepy things that Assad has been doing for the past 25
years.
Jim Davis: To remark on Russian support to this
hypothetical enclave: I believe Russia probably would render some assistance to
this enclave, but it could be very limited. I can explain why. If this happens,
Russia would be under pressure from the countries of the European community,
which is important today to Russia. Russia's leadership is pragmatic. A top
Russian priority is to attract capital. They would not risk losing their trade
relationships with the European community, cultural relationships and
otherwise. I believe Russia would think twice and approach this problem
cautiously.
A second rumor in Russia on the naval force
dispatched to the Eastern Mediterranean because of the unusual make-up of Naval
force. Normally only naval ships participate in this type of mission. The naval
force here is carrying 1500 Marines. The use of these Marines is absolutely
unclear. There are rumors that the troops are not there to participate in aiding
the regime of Assad, but under certain circumstances to try to secure the
Chemical weapons. This is at the level of rumors in Moscow.
Tony: The level of fragmentation inside Syrian
is so great that the last thing we need to worry about is the notion of a concentrated
block of power, this or that, I don't believe any of that.
Look at the interior, in the north and the
east, the Kurds smell weakness and are trying to secure as much terrain as
possible from both the regime and the opposition, keeping the Free Syrian army
out of their areas – as they see this as their break to try to gain control.
But the Kurds themselves are divided between the PKK and the new hodge-podge
the Kurdish National Council. The PKK and the Kurdish National Council have
signed an agreement to keep the peace until Assad is gone, so at least they can
get something out of this. As to who will rule the Kurds afterwards, it's not
clear yet.
Further south and in the east – the Syrian
tribes are split between those who benefitted and still work with the regime,
and those who are completely against the regime. In the central plains, there
are myriad factions even of the Free Syrian Army are duking it out.
Aleppo is a situation on its own. The Damascus situation again is completely
independent. The cleavages are absolutely immense. This is why Assad and his
father were able to take control, because there was never a Sunni a bloc.
That's the calamity – the Sunnis cannot agree on anything.
If you look at the Jordanian Muslim
Brotherhood, it support the Assad regime, who oppressed the Syrian Muslim
Brotherhood.
If you look at this very fragmented picture,
when people talk of the Sunni bloc more broadly, you have to step back and take
a deep breath.
David Goldman: Tony, I think that segues into
consideration of the Turkish position. Will any post-Assad regime allow for
Turkish influence (as Arab nationalists). The Kurds will gain more "play
room" however they choose to use it – but never good for the Turks. And
all of this no matter what makes them more dependent on the Saudis – who are
writing the checks to keep them financed. Turkey is tied up in knots, in my
impression, and becoming less of a regional power as a result of the Syrian
crisis.
Tony Badran: I think the Syrian crisis has
stripped naked and exposed the Turks' every \ weakness. I criticized the
Turkish role in Syria, until I found out that one of the things restraining the
Turks was the Obama administration. At first I thought it was the Turks desire
to reach an agreement between Assad and the Sunni forces, but now I see that
Obama was looking a way to put the brakes on any Turkish attempt to take more
aggressive action against the Syrians. The Turks are sheltering people, giving
weapons and allowing freedom of movement, in what has become a de-facto safe
zone in the north and northwest. The Kurdish issue has exposed the weakness of
how much they can interfere, as the Muslim Brotherhood is the vehicle for
Turkish interference in Syria.
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