Top
Stories
WashPost:
"Harsh economic sanctions have taken a serious toll on Iran's
economy, but U.S. and European officials acknowledge that the measures
have not yet produced the kind of public unrest that could force Iranian
leaders to change their nuclear policies. Nine months after Iran was hit
with the toughest restrictions in its history, the nation's economy
appears to have settled into a slow, downward glide, hemorrhaging jobs
and hard currency but appearing to be in no immediate danger of collapse,
Western diplomats and analysts say. At the same time, the hardships have
not triggered significant domestic protests or produced a single
concession by Iran on its nuclear program. Although weakened, Iran has
resisted Western pressure through a combination of clever tactics, political
repression and old-fashioned stubbornness, analysts say. The mixed
results from the sanctions complicate the West's bargaining position
ahead of the next round of nuclear talks with Iran, in early April."
http://t.uani.com/YlZJ7l
AFP:
"Iranian and foreign nuclear experts gathered in Istanbul on Monday
to discuss Tehran's controversial atomic programme, a European Union
spokeswoman said. 'The meeting is taking place at the expert-level as
planned,' said Maja Kocijancic, spokeswoman for EU foreign policy chief
Catherine Ashton, who is leading talks between Iran and the so-called
P5+1 -- Britain, China, France, Russia, the United States and Germany.
The closed-door meeting is being held in a secret location in the Turkish
city, Kocijancic added." http://t.uani.com/ZUIzil
AFP:
"US Treasury sanctions chief David Cohen will travel to Asia next
week to discuss the implementation of sanctions against North Korea and
Iran, the Treasury Department said Friday. Cohen, the under secretary for
terrorism and financial intelligence, will meet with senior government
officials and private-sector leaders in Japan, South Korea and China on
his March 18-22 trip, the department said in a statement. Cohen will be
accompanied by a State Department official, the department said in the
brief statement." http://t.uani.com/ZUHqay
Nuclear Program
Bloomberg: "Representative Mike
Rogers, the chairman of the House Permanent Select Intelligence
Committee, said 'pressure is mounting' for action other than economic
sanctions to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons. 'Everybody agrees
that Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program,' Rogers, a Michigan
Republican, said on CNN's 'State of the Union' program today. 'The last
part of it is, can they take the highly enriched uranium, weaponize it
and put it on a missile for use? And there's the debate: How long would
it take to accomplish the last piece of that?' President Barack Obama
told an Israeli television station last week that his administration
believes that Iran is at least a year away from developing a nuclear
weapon. Rogers said he wasn't as certain as the president on the timing
of when Iran may have the capability to launch a nuclear strike. 'The
Israelis believe it is sooner than that, and that's why the pressure is
mounting for some action, maybe other than sanctions for Iran, so they
get the signal that we really won't tolerate them getting a nuclear
weapon and then proliferating nuclear weapons across the Middle East,'
Rogers said." http://t.uani.com/WyGeuE
Sanctions
Bloomberg: "Royal Dutch Shell
Plc sold two high-sulfur oil cargoes to Mangalore Refinery &
Petrochemicals Ltd. (MRPL), the biggest state-run Indian buyer of Iranian
crude, as supplies from the Persian Gulf state may be disrupted because
of global sanctions. Mangalore, a unit of Oil and Natural Gas Corp.,
bought 650,000 barrels each of Oman and Banaco Arab Medium crude from
Shell for loading next month, according to four traders who asked not to
be identified because the information is confidential. The grades are
similar to Mangalore's imports from Iran, the traders said. Indian refiners
may halt Iranian crude purchases as local insurers refuse to cover the
risks for using the oil, P.P. Upadhya, the managing director at
Mangalore, said March 8. The company, known as MRPL, has an contract to
buy 5 million metric tons a year from the Islamic Republic." http://t.uani.com/XTWOIJ
The Hindu:
"India may slash import of crude oil from Iran by as much as 27 per
cent this fiscal because US and European sanctions have made it difficult
to ship oil from the Persian Gulf nation. India may, in the financial
year ending March 31, import just about 13 million tonne of crude oil
from Iran, down from 18.1 million tonne shipped in the 2011-12 fiscal,
official sources said. US and EU have shut down the use of their
financial systems for Iranian crude trade, and Washington recently
imposed more treasury sanctions on trade with Iran - making imports from
the Islamic nation even more difficult - in the hope of starving Tehran
of cash that would force it to give up its nuclear programme." http://t.uani.com/ZMV8Lf
Terrorism
AFP:
"Interpol said Friday it was not lifting arrest warrants for
Iranians suspected of involvement in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish
community center in Buenos Aires, despite Tehran's steps to co-operate.
Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman read from a letter announcing
the international police organization's decision at a press conference.
He noted that while an agreement between Argentina and Iran to set up a
truth commission over the bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in
Buenos Aires was 'positive,' it did not mean the arrest warrants would be
lifted. The 1994 bombing killed 85 people and wounded 300. The agreement
between the two governments was reached last month but it has been
sharply criticized by Israel, Argentina's Jewish community and opposition
politicians." http://t.uani.com/146NMJI
Human Rights
WashPost:
"Google's much-dreaded announcement on the coming demise of Google
Reader has alarmed users in Iran - and drawn attention to the scale and
complexity of online censorship there. As Quartz's Zach Seward explained
in a great post yesterday, Google Reader is one of the few ways Iranians
can access Web sites blocked in Iran. (According to ViewDNS, a site that
monitors servers, the government censors roughly one in three news sites
and one in four of all sites on the general Web.) To quote Seward: 'Many
RSS readers, including Google's, serve as anti-censorship tools for
people living under oppressive regimes. That's because it's actually
Google's servers, located in the U.S. or another country with uncensored
internet, that accesses each feed. So a web user in Iran just needs
access to google.com/reader in order to read websites that would
otherwise be blocked.' Unfortunately for Iranian Internet users,
government censors had it out for Google Reader long before Google itself
did. The government blocked all of Google's sites - including Reader,
Gmail and Youtube - for about a week in late September, only restoring
them after widespread outrage." http://t.uani.com/YjLYsJ
Domestic
Politics
AP:
"Iran's official news agency reports that parliament has approved
the appointment of a new health minister by the tightest of margins. It
is the latest sign of acrimony between outgoing President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad and the conservatives who dominate the legislature. The
Sunday report by IRNA says 113 of the 224 lawmakers present voted for
Mohammad Hasan Tarighat Monfared. He was made caretaker of the ministry
in December, when Ahmadinejad removed Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi, Iran's
sole serving female Cabinet member, after her ministry criticized the
government for not providing money to import medicine." http://t.uani.com/WxqyJq
Opinion &
Analysis
Michael Eisenstadt
& Mehdi Khalaji in The National Interest:
"Iranian experts are set to meet their P5+1 counterparts in Istanbul
next week to discuss the Islamic Republic's nuclear program. They are
likely to reprise a long-standing claim: Iran will never build nuclear
weapons, because Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has issued a fatwa
banning 'the bomb.' (In fact, Khamenei restated his position on this
matter just a few weeks ago.) They will explain that this fatwa is an
important confidence-building measure that the P5+1 have yet to
adequately acknowledge. But there is more to consider than what will
likely be conveyed during these expert-level talks. Khamenei has spoken
on this topic numerous times in the past decade, and such oral
pronouncements do indeed have the same legal standing as a written fatwa.
Khamenei's precise formulation, however, has varied. He has at times
appeared to tacitly permit the development and stockpiling of nuclear
weapons, but not their use. On other occasions, he has categorically
forbidden stockpiling and development, as well as the use of nuclear
weapons. This should not be surprising. Fatwas are not immutable, and can
be altered depending on circumstances. The founder of the Islamic
Republic, the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, modified his position on
a number of issues-taxes, military conscription, women's suffrage, the
legitimacy of the Shah's monarchy, and apparently even chemical weapons.
And Ayatollah Khamenei could alter his fatwa regarding nuclear weapons
should he deem it necessary. Because this could undermine the value of
the fatwa as a confidence-building measure, some former Iranian officials
have suggested that the Iranian parliament could pass legislation making
the fatwa the law of the land. Conversely, Foreign Minister Ali Akbar
Salehi has suggested that the fatwa could be adopted as an official UN
document as a way of building confidence. Yet these proposals would not
solve the confidence problem, because it is the principle of maslahat
(the interest of the regime) that guides the formulation of Iranian
policy. Before he died, Ayatollah Khomeini ruled that the Islamic
Republic could destroy a mosque or suspend the observance of the tenets
of Islam if its interests so dictated. And the constitution of the
Islamic Republic invests the Supreme Leader with absolute authority to
determine the interest of the regime. He can therefore cancel laws or
override decisions by the regime's various deliberative bodies, including
the Majlis (parliament), the Guardian Council, and the Expediency
Council. Likewise, Iran's checkered history of adherence to UN documents
and resolutions (such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and a
raft of UN resolutions pertaining to its nuclear program) raises
questions about the utility of making the fatwa a UN document. Further
muddying the waters, spokesmen for the Islamic Republic have a habit of
proffering convenient interpretations when it comes to fatwas and foreign
policy. When Ayatollah Khomeini's 1989 fatwa calling for the death of
author Salman Rushdie sparked a crisis in relations with Europe, Iranian
foreign-ministry officials tried to downplay its importance, claiming
that the fatwa only reflected Khomeini's personal opinion and was not
binding on the Iranian government. Now Iranian foreign-ministry officials
want the international community to believe that Khamenei's fatwa is a
binding religious ruling that would prevent the Islamic Republic from
getting the bomb. So which one is it?" http://t.uani.com/ZDzniv
Vali Nasr in NYT:
"For the first time since 2009, there may be signs of a break in the
deadlock over Iran's nuclear program. Iran entered the latest talks with
a slightly softened position. That is good news, but the United States
will have to change its negotiating strategy to take advantage of it.
Economic sanctions are biting hard in Iran. Meanwhile, its strategic
position is crumbling because of the turmoil in its ally Syria and the
rise of militant Sunni Islamism throughout the Arab Middle East.
Together, these forces seem to have forced Iran to reconsider its own
bargaining position. So rather than strengthen sanctions another notch,
America should give Iran a little tit for tat: begin negotiating
directly, and put on the table the prospect of lifting sanctions, one by
one, as bargaining chips. The United States should shift from trying to
further intimidate Iran to trying to clinch an agreement. The sanctions
have given America leverage, and we should use it to seek a deal that
would finally restrict Iran's ability to make bomb fuel, rather than
ratchet up the pressure in the hopes of getting either a broader deal now
or a total surrender later. The problem with just standing tough is that
it is likely to backfire; Iran is understandably nervous, and if it
thinks America is intransigent, it might double down on its nuclear
program, speeding it up past a point of no return. Hints of progress were
seen at the round of talks in Kazakhstan last month. The United States,
negotiating together with Russia, China, Britain, France and Germany,
proposed only small steps that would slightly ease American-imposed
restrictions (allowing Iran to again trade in gold and silver, and to
obtain spare parts for civilian aircraft), while insisting on stringent
demands that Iran give up its ability to highly enrich uranium and use it
to build nuclear weapons. Somewhat surprisingly, Iran said the proposal
was welcome but not enough - and that it would respond in a few weeks.
That contrasted with its previous pattern of flatly rejecting the other
side's proposals... In other words, insecurity drives Iran's nuclear
ambition, and it leaves Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei,
convinced that if he were to give up Iran's nuclear program entirely, as
Libya did in the last decade, he would only invite the fate of Muammar
el-Qaddafi. That logic - if Iran is going to face sanctions anyway,
better to face them with the bomb than without - has produced a saying in
Tehran these days: 'Better to be North Korea than Iraq.' Still, Iran's
leaders and citizens clearly want the sanctions lifted, and they may now
be signaling a way out of the deadlock. It's time for the United States
to test the leaders' real intentions and offer them a path to rejoining
the international community. The committee of six nations involved in the
Iran talks has achieved its original goal: to confront Iran with a united
front. So the other five, whose differing agendas inevitably complicate
the bargaining, should step aside and leave the United States to
one-to-one talks with Iran. And rather than offering only vague promises
that serious concessions might be rewarded someday by dropping all the
sanctions as a package, Washington should offer to do away with specific
sanctions, piece by piece, in exchange for specific Iranian concessions.
In that way, both sides might begin dismantling the most dangerous aspects
of Iran's nuclear program in incremental, verifiable ways. Of course,
Iran might lose enthusiasm for negotiations as the sanctions disappear.
But by then, if its first concessions had been substantial, it would have
given up critical pieces of its nuclear program, leaving the world a
little safer." http://t.uani.com/119wbzZ
Arash Abadpour
& Collin Anderson in The Iran Media Program:
"The narrowing space for dissent and free exchange of ideas in the
Iranian public sphere and in public space has been one of the driving
forces behind Iranians' use of cyberspace as a mechanism for expression.
The Internet is one of the few remaining platforms where Iranians can
practice some level of open debate, less susceptible to social and
political limitations. Research on Internet use in Iran sheds light on a
large online community engaged in a diversity of activities and expanding
at a significant pace. This study seeks to complement standard online
research techniques by providing a richer picture of Iranian Internet
users. The novel research method utilized in this study features
'archetypes' whose characteristics are described in vignettes, and who
are defined based on their relationship with the Internet. Taking this
approach, our study considers the Internet as an ecosystem, and works
toward providing a more realistic narration of the diversity of Iranian
Internet users and online environments." http://t.uani.com/ZmFOaF
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