Tuesday, February 3, 2009

Obama decisions putting America at risk








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Dear Solsticewitch13 ,


The column below by John Yoo, which appeared last Thursday in the
Wall Street Journal, analyzes some of the decisions President Obama made
in his first week as commander-in-chief.

Taken together, these
decisions, as Yoo notes, “will seriously handicap our intelligence
agencies from preventing future terrorist attacks.”

For instance,
interrogators of terrorist suspects will be so restrained in their tactics
that they won’t even be able to use “good cop/bad cop” techniques commonly
used by police officers. In other words, interrogation tactics which have
been legally used on our own citizens are, in Obama’s new world order of
fighting terrorism, too extreme to be used on terrorist suspects.


This absurdity would be laughable if it weren’t so dangerous.


For the past few years Democrats assailed President Bush’s foreign
policies, arguing that they made us “less safe.” Whatever one thinks of
those policies, one incontrovertible fact remains: No terrorist attack was
successfully executed in America on the President’s watch after 9/11.


According to intelligence experts one reason is the coercive
interrogation techniques used to extract information from terrorist
suspects and enemy combatants. With those now effectively jettisoned from
our arsenal of self-defense, President Obama has put the nation at greater
risk.










Obama Made a Rash Decision on
Gitmo


The president will soon realize
that governing involves hard choices.


By JOHN YOO


During his first week as commander in chief, President Barack
Obama ordered the closure of Guantanamo Bay and terminated the CIA's
special authority to interrogate terrorists.

While these actions will certainly
please his base -- gone are the
cries of an "imperial presidency" --
they will also seriously handicap
our intelligence agencies from preventing future terrorist attacks. In issuing these executive orders, Mr. Obama is returning America to the failed law enforcement approach to fighting terrorism that
prevailed before Sept. 11, 2001.
He's also drying up the most valuable
sources of intelligence on al Qaeda,
which, according to CIA Director
Michael Hayden, has come largely out of the tough interrogation of
high-level operatives during the early years of the war.

The question Mr. Obama should have asked right after the inaugural parade was:
What will happen after we capture the next Khalid Sheikh Mohammed or Abu
Zubaydah? Instead, he took action without a meeting of his full national
security staff, and without a legal review of all the policy options
available to meet the threats facing our country.

What such a review would have made clear is that the civilian law-enforcement system
cannot prevent terrorist attacks. What is needed are the tools to gain
vital intelligence, which is why, under President George W. Bush, the CIA
could hold and interrogate high-value al Qaeda leaders. On the advice of
his intelligence advisers, the president could have authorized coercive
interrogation methods like those used by Israel and Great Britain in their
antiterrorism campaigns. (He could even authorize waterboarding, which he
did three times in the years after 9/11.)

Mr. Obama has also
ordered that all military commission trials be stayed and that the case of
Ali Saleh al-Marri, the only al Qaeda operative now held on U.S. soil, be
reviewed. This seems a prelude to closing the military commissions down
entirely and transferring the detainees' cases to U.S. civilian courts for
prosecution under ordinary criminal law. Military commission trials have
been used in most American wars, and their rules and procedures are
designed around the need to protect intelligence sources and methods from
revelation in open court.

It's also likely Mr. Obama will declare
terrorists to be prisoners of war under the Geneva Conventions. The Bush
administration classified terrorists -- well supported by legal and
historical precedent -- like pirates, illegal combatants who do not fight
on behalf of a nation and refuse to obey the laws of war.

The CIA
must now conduct interrogations according to the rules of the Army Field
Manual, which prohibits coercive techniques, threats and promises, and the
good-cop bad-cop routines used in police stations throughout America. Mr.
Obama has also ordered that al Qaeda leaders are to be protected from
"outrages on personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment"
in accord with the Geneva Conventions. His new order amounts to requiring
-- on penalty of prosecution -- that CIA interrogators be polite. Coercive
measures are unwisely banned with no exceptions, regardless of the danger
confronting the country.

Eliminating the Bush system will mean
that we will get no more information from captured al Qaeda terrorists.
Every prisoner will have the right to a lawyer (which they will surely
demand), the right to remain silent, and the right to a speedy trial.


The first thing any lawyer will do is tell his clients to shut up.
The KSMs or Abu Zubaydahs of the future will respond to no verbal
questioning or trickery -- which is precisely why the Bush administration
felt compelled to use more coercive measures in the first place. Our
soldiers and agents in the field will have to run more risks as they must
secure physical evidence at the point of capture and maintain a chain of
custody that will stand up to the standards of a civilian court.


Relying on the civilian justice system not only robs us of the
most effective intelligence tool to avert future attacks, it provides an
opportunity for our enemies to obtain intelligence on us. If terrorists
are now to be treated as ordinary criminals, their defense lawyers will
insist that the government produce in open court all U.S. intelligence on
their client along with the methods used by the CIA and NSA to get it. A
defendant's constitutional right to demand the government's files often
forces prosecutors to offer plea bargains to spies rather than risk
disclosure of intelligence secrets.

Zacarias Moussaoui, the only
member of the 9/11 cell arrested before the attack, turned his trial into
a circus by making such demands. He was convicted after four years of
pretrial wrangling only because he chose to plead guilty. Expect more of
this, but with far more valuable intelligence at stake.

It is
naïve to say, as Mr. Obama did in his inaugural speech, that we can
"reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals." That
high-flying rhetoric means that we must give al Qaeda -- a hardened enemy
committed to our destruction -- the same rights as garden-variety
criminals at the cost of losing critical intelligence about real, future
threats.

Government policy choices are all about trade-offs, which
cannot simply be wished away by rhetoric. Mr. Obama seems to have
respected these realities in his hesitation to end the NSA's electronic
surveillance programs, or to stop the use of predator drones to target
individual al Qaeda leaders.

But in his decisions taken so
precipitously just two days after the inauguration, Mr. Obama may have
opened the door to further terrorist acts on U.S. soil by shattering some
of the nation's most critical defenses.

Mr. Yoo is
a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley and a visiting
professor at Chapman Law School. He was an official in the Justice
Department from 2001-03 and is a visiting scholar at the American
Enterprise Institute.




-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


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