Friday, June 19, 2009

Importance of defining evil










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Sometimes it’s more
essential to define
the nature of evil than good


Dear Solstice,

On a
number of occasions over the past year we have referred to George
Santayana’s famous quote, “Those who cannot remember the past are
condemned to repeat it.”

The reason Santayana’s quote is so
enduring is because it goes to the very heart of why people do what they
do. Ideas have consequences. Understanding that helps one understand
history. Learning from history helps one to replicate successes and
triumphs – and avoid failures and tragedies.

In the excellent
commentary below, Jonathan Rosenblum points out the disturbing parallels
between how the West, and specifically British Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain, dealt with Hitler prior to World War II, and how the West,
and President Obama, are dealing with the evil of radical Islam today.


That President Obama, for whatever reason, has drawn the wrong
conclusions from history should be a cause for deep concern for every
American concerned about the threat radical Islam poses to our safety,
security and liberties.








Jewish World Review

May 11, 2009


Sometimes it is more essential to define the nature of evil than
good

By Jonathan Rosenblum

Upon his first visit to one of
the liberated death camps, Allied Supreme Commander General Dwight D.
Eisenhower said, "There are those who ask what are we fighting for. Let
them come here and see what we are fighting against." Eisenhower's remark
contains an important insight: Sometimes it is more essential that one
define the nature of evil than that one define what is good. About the
latter, there will inevitably be many opinions. But they need not prevent
a consensus from coalescing around the definition of evil.

I was
reminded of that point last week as I watched The Third Jihad, the third
in a trilogy of documentaries on the threat of radical Islam produced by
Raphael Shore and Wayne Kopping. Towards the end of the documentary one of
the experts interviewed, former CIA intelligence officer Clare Lopez
declared, "The real war is between the values of freedom and barbarism. If
we are not willing to recognize the battle as one for our civilization, we
might as well give up right now."

The last time the West faced
such a civilizational threat, many refused to recognize the nature of the
conflict. In Troublesome Young Me, Lynne Olsen offers a gripping account
of the group of youthful Conservative backbenchers, who eventually ousted
British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain from power and brought in
Winston Churchill in his place, nearly a year after the outbreak of World
War II.

England entered that war totally unprepared, and lagging
far behind Germany in every respect, apart from its navy. Even after
Britain proclaimed war, following the Nazi invasion of Poland, Chamberlain
pursued it half-heartedly and dreamed of an imminent peace. Britain and
France bombed only German military targets most narrowly defined.
Meanwhile Luftwaffe pilots in Poland followed orders to "close [their]
hearts to pity," happily machine-gunning women and girls picking potatoes,
bombing churches and hospitals, and strafing toddlers being herded to
safety.

The parallels between today and the earlier period are
eerie. Chamberlain, like President Obama today, enjoyed an overwhelming
majority in Parliament. His party whips enforced party discipline with an
iron hand — think Rahm Emanuel — and backbenchers who stepped out of line
put their political futures on the line.

In another interesting
parallel, Chamberlain enjoyed almost across the board fawning support from
the press and the BBC. That included self-imposed censorship on the
information reaching the British public. After the Anschluss, British
papers carried no pictures of the hundreds shot in the first days after
the Nazi takeover, of the tens of thousands arrested and sent to
concentration camps, or of Nazi soldiers forcing Jewish doctors, lawyers
and professors to scrub the streets and clean toilets on their hands and
knees. When reporters asked Chamberlain about such matters, he snapped at
them for believing "Jewish-Communist propaganda," and that was the end of
the matter.

The British press ignored both the massive German arms
build-up prior to the War, and the pitiful state of British preparedness.
Both before and after the conflict started, it suppressed mention or
quotations from Hitler's speeches that would have conveyed a much
different impression of his goals. As a British TV character tartly
observed forty years later, "It is hard to censor the press when it wants
to be free, but easy if it gives up its freedom voluntarily."


Chamberlain never read Mein Kampf, in which Hitler laid out in
startling fashion both his future plans for the Jews and for German
conquest. Far from viewing Hitler as an evil man, Chamberlain believed him
to be a "gentleman," with whom he could do business. He was more than once
shocked to find that Hitler had lied to him, even though that too was
foreshadowed in Mein Kampf, Said future Prime Minister Harold Macmillan,
"He didn't believe people existed [who would] say one thing and do
another. …It was pathetic, really."

Chamberlain, according to
Olsen, "could never bring himself to believe that [Hitler and Mussolini]
wanted to go to war. Clinging to the security of his ignorance, he created
a peace-loving image of them that defied reality." For a decade, the
English and French did nothing in response to fascist aggression in
Abyssinia (Ethiopia), Austria, and Czechoslovakia, and precious little
even in the wake of the German invasion of Poland.

France and
England thereby encouraged Hitler to believe they were too weak to
prevail, a judgment in which he was very nearly right. That should have
taught us — but did not — that those who hope to avoid war via appeasement
inevitably end up fighting later on worse terms.

At no point, did
Chamberlain recognize that Hitler constituted a mortal threat to Western
civilization. As a consequence, he displayed far more ruthlessness
fighting those within his own party who dared challenge his policies than
he did in fighting Hitler.

The inability to recognize Hitler as
evil incarnate is the most frightening parallel to today. President Ronald
Reagan was reviled by Western elites for calling the Soviet Union the Evil
Empire, as was President George W. Bush for grouping Iran, North Korea,
and Saddam Hussein's Iraq together as the Axis of Evil.

The West
still remains incapable of acknowledging evil or giving credence to the
pronouncements of evil men. Ayatollah Khomeini long ago made clear that he
was prepared to see Iran go up "in flames," if the worldwide rule of Islam
were thereby furthered. Mutual assured destruction, says Bernard Lewis,
the greatest living authority on Islam, is for Ahmadinejad, "not a
deterrent but an incentive." Surveying the scene in Beslan, where Chenyan
Muslims killed nearly 300 Russian schoolchildren, one of the speakers on
The Third Jihad puts the point succinctly: Why should those who don't
hesitate to send out their own children to be killed hesitate to kill
other peoples' children?

Yet the highest wisdom in the West today
is to not take seriously the threats of Ahmadinejad or the speculations of
the Iranian leadership about the mathematics of a nuclear exchange with
Israel. They are not madmen, we are constantly told.

President
Obama has no taste for confrontation with radical Islam (only with
Israel). He cannot even admit that it exists. Evil, it seems, is one of
the few words that does not come trippingly off his tongue.

http://www.jewishworldreview.com/jonathan/rosenblum_evil.php3?printer_friendly




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