Tuesday, July 3, 2012

Gatestone Update :: Soeren Kern: Radical Islam Spreading in Spain, Mudar Zahran: Egypt under Islamists, and more


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Radical Islam Spreading in Spain

by Soeren Kern
July 3, 2012 at 5:00 am
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The report, which examines some of the main Islamist groups operating in Spain, shows that the common thread linking all the groups together is their mutual desire to establish an Islamic Caliphate.
Two Islamists have been arrested in Spain on charges of torturing and murdering two fellow Muslims for "abandoning radical Islam."
The arrests came just days after Spanish newspapers reported that jihadists in Spain are travelling to Syria to help overthrow the government there.
Spanish authorities say the incidents -- on top of many others in recent months -- point to the accelerating spread in the country of radical Salafi Islam, which Spain's National Intelligence Center, the CNI, in a leaked secret report -- corroborated by the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies, an organization tied to the Spanish Ministry of Defense, in its own recently published a 43-page report entitled, "Islamist Movements in Spain" -- states is increasingly posing the greatest threat to national security.
Rachid Mohamed Abdellah and Nabil Mohamed Chaib, both of whom are Spanish citizens of Moroccan origin, were jailed after being questioned by Judge Eloy Velasco at the National Court (Audiencia Nacional) in Madrid on June 28.
Police say the two men, aged 25 and 30 respectively, are members of an Islamist cell based in the city of Melilla, a Spanish exclave on the northern coast of Morocco. They are accused of torturing and murdering two other members of the cell who "adopted Western behavior and tried to disengage from radical Islam." Spanish authorities say the murders were meted out according to Islamic Sharia law, which calls for the killing of "infidels."
Spanish Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz said the suspects are "capable of carrying out especially brutal attacks," and share "the same radical orthodoxy" of the Islamists who carried out the March 2004 Madrid train bombings in which 191 people were killed and 1,800 wounded.
At a news conference following the arrests, the Director General of Spanish Police, Ignacio Cosidó, said: "They were part of an extremely radical group, and had committed a double murder of two members of their own organization who had shown signs of wanting to leave. Their ideology is clearly jihadi and they believe in terrorism as a means to achieve their objectives. Therefore, they posed a threat of the highest order."
Abdellah and Chaib were arrested Melilla neighborhood of Cañada de Hidum after an extended confrontation with police, who, pelted with rocks and bottles by local Muslims, were forced to call for reinforcements.
Spanish police further state that the cell was composed mainly of Spanish citizens of North African origin living in Melilla, and Moroccans living in Farkhana, Morocco. The suspects were engaged in recruiting and indoctrinating Muslim youths for training in jihadist camps or war zones in places such as Afghanistan. The cell was notable for its secrecy and for the adoption of strong internal security measures aimed at keeping its activities clandestine.
Members of the cell were forced to live a life of submission to the Takfiri branch of Islam, a violent offshoot of fundamentalist Saudi Salafism, that seeks to establish an Islamic Caliphate [empire] in the Middle East and large parts of Europe. Among other beliefs, Takfiris consider violence to be a legitimate method to achieve their religious and political goals.
The arrests come just days after the Madrid-based newspaper El País reported that jihadists from Ceuta, another Spanish exclave in northern Morocco, have been travelling to Syria to help overthrow the regime of Bashar Assad. The report states that one of the jihadists, a 33-year-old taxi driver, Rachid Wahbi, was killed just days after arriving in Syria.
Spanish police say the jihadists, many of whom are Spanish citizens, have been travelling from Ceuta to Málaga and then on to Madrid, from where they board flights to Istanbul. Once in Turkey, they make contact with jihadists who facilitate their entry into Syria.
Police believe the jihadists from Ceuta involve Takfiris who, in the Los Caracolas district of the city, attend a mosque considered the most radical of the 33 mosques in Ceuta because of its links to Salafism. Spanish police say the jihadists also meet regularly in homes in the Condesa neighborhood of Ceuta, where they watch videos on jihad.
Separately, nine Islamists accused of planning terrorist attacks aimed at "liberating" Spain for Islam were found not guilty by the National Court in Madrid in April 2012.
Spanish public prosecutors had said the men -- Salafi-Jihadists who belonged to an Islamist cell known as the "Army of the Messiah" (Ansar al-Mahdi) -- sought to "free" the cities of Ceuta and Melilla from Spanish rule to begin the Islamic re-conquest of Spain.
Spanish prosecutors said the jihadist cell operated out of the Darkawia mosque in the El Príncipe Alfonso neighborhood of Ceuta. The ringleader of the group, a Moroccan imam named Mohammed Abdessalam, was alleged by prosecutors to have "preached the most extreme version of Islam."
Prosecutors said the jihadists had been plotting a series of bombings in Ceuta -- in the city's main port, in churches and in other infrastructure.
In its ruling, however, the court said that although prosecutors proved that the Islamists were "jihadists who worshiped martyrdom," there was a lack of incontrovertible proof that the men were "planning to attack Spanish interests." The ruling added: "Terrorism is more than the expression of radical ideas. Freedom of expression and dissemination of ideas, thoughts or doctrines is a feature of the democratic system which we must protect even for those who disagree and advocate changing it."
The ruling came on the heels of the CNI's leaked secret report, which warned of "alarming symptoms" of the presence in Spain of members and cells of the Islamist group Takfir wal-Hijra, which subscribes to the "most radical and violent version of Salafi-Jihadism."
Takfir wal-Hijra doctrine promotes "jihad without rules" by condoning non-Muslim practices, such as drinking alcohol and drug trafficking, as a cover for extremist activities. According to CNI, the group aspires to subjugate the entire planet under a "global caliphate ruled exclusively by Islamic Sharia law." Members of the group are now firmly established in Barcelona, Madrid, Málaga and Valencia, among other Spanish cities.
The CNI document further states that police have detected Takfir activities in four mosques in Barcelona and two mosques in Valencia. The mosques are "led by radical imams from Algeria and Morocco," and are centers for "proselytization and recruitment of new members using religious instruction as a decoy."
The report of the Spanish Ministry of Defense examines some of the main Islamist groups operating in Spain, such as Takfir wal-Hijra, Tablighi Jamaat, and the Muslim Brotherhood, Justice and Charity from Morocco, concludes that radical Islam is on the rise in Spain. It also shows that the common thread linking all the groups together is their mutual desire to establish an Islamic Caliphate.
The document also states: "The wide range of freedoms in countries like Spain, such as the freedom of expression and association, and the extensive judicial protections, paradoxically represent an advantage for Islamist movements to disseminate messages opposed to democracy or messages that promote radicalization…Jihadist groups can disseminate a range of principles contrary to our democratic and constitutional values, or contrary to the integration into the society of residence, in addition to implementing feelings of marginalization or victimization, that could serve as a breeding ground for jihadist recruitment."
A recent survey conducted by the Spanish Ministry of the Interior provides additional insights into the beliefs of Muslims in Spain. Entitled "Values, Attitudes and Opinions of Muslim Immigrants," the report shows that more than half the Muslims in Spain consider themselves to be "very religious." Only 12% say they are non-practicing.
More than 80% are opposed to banning the burka and only 39% say they are opposed to establishment of Islamic Sharia law courts in Spain. More than 60% of those surveyed say they obey instructions from the imams at their local mosques.
In March, Spanish authorities arrested a radical Islamic preacher for calling on Muslims to use physical and psychological violence to "discipline" errant wives who refuse to submit to Islamic Sharia law or obey their husbands.
Spanish public prosecutors say Abdeslam Laaroussi, a charismatic imam from Morocco who preaches at a large mosque in Terrassa, an industrial city 30 kilometers north of Barcelona, is guilty of "incitement to violence against women" for "providing concrete examples of the manner in which wives should be beaten, how to isolate them inside the family home and how to deny them sexual relations," the last of which would not appear to require extensive instruction.
Police say witnesses provided them with recordings of sermons Laaroussi preached in downtown Terrassa at the Badr Mosque,where more than 1,500 people attend prayers services each Friday, and where he instructed his listeners to "hit women with the use of a stick, the fist or the hand so that no bones are broken and no blood is drawn."
Laaroussi has refused to cooperate with police or provide evidence: he says he does not recognize the legitimacy of the Spanish state.
Soeren Kern is Senior Fellow for European Politics at the Madrid-based Grupo de Estudios Estratégicos / Strategic Studies Group. Follow him on Facebook.
Related Topics:  Spain  |  Soeren Kern

Egypt under Islamists
The Trouble Has Just Begun

by Mudar Zahran
July 3, 2012 at 4:00 am
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Since the US Administration insisted early on that the Muslim Brotherhood be invited to the Cairo speech and presented with the choicest seats there – all in direct violation of the wishes of then-President Hosni Mubarak, who ultimately refused even to attend the speech – all options but surrender seem to have been off the table, not only in the Middle East, but in Russia, China and South America as well.
When Mohammad Morsi, a leader in the Muslim Brotherhood, won the presidential elections in Egypt on June 24, he addressed the Egyptian nation, promising he would "be a president for all Egyptian, Muslims and Christian, men and women." As the Muslim Brotherhood has a history of double-talk and hostility against all forms of opposition, however, why would the Muslim Brotherhood president act any differently from the organization with which he is affiliated?
The Muslim Brotherhood is not only financially capable, but, according to Egyptian researcher Nadine Farag, has provided social services, such as food to the poor, in exchange for public support.
The same pattern might have continued as well during Morsi's campaign: according to CNN, Morsi's contender, Shafik, and his campaign members filed several complaints with Egypt's Supreme Presidential Election Commission, alleging that the Muslim Brotherhood's supporters had been bribing voters with "large sums of money and food" to back Morsi; accused him of using "intimidation, threats and violence" against supporters of the candidate Ahmed Shafik, and accusing the Brotherhood of ballot fraud.
Shafik and his friends are not the only campers unhappy with Morsi's victory; there are also the leftists, or Nasserists, (dogmatized by the ideas of the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser) who saw their presidential candidate, Hamadeen Sabahi, equally defeated by the Brotherhood. The Qatari TV network Al Jazeera reported that Hamadeen Sabahi had appealed for Egypt's presidential election to be suspended over alleged voting irregularities. Although the Nasserists share with the Muslim Brotherhood a hatred of Israel, they nonetheless do not want to see an Islamist state in Egypt, and hold an ideological enmity against the Muslim Brotherhood that goes back to the days of Nasser. While outnumbered and out-powered by the Islamists, the leftists of Egypt are still hold some political weight.
While nobody can judge Morsi's sincerity at this early stage, a look at the Muslim Brotherhood's record in credibility might help. A year ago, for example, Sobhi Saleh, a Muslim Brotherhood leader and member of the constitution amendment committee, called on Muslim Brotherhood men strictly to marry Muslim Brotherhood women; they are, he said, "superior" to other Muslim women in Egypt as they can "produce little Brotherhood kids." He also described Egyptian secularists as atheists and Egyptians opposing the Brotherhood as the "People of Lot," (who practiced homosexuality and, according to the Quran, were punished by God). In other words, the Muslim Brotherhood looks down even on fellow Muslims, so how will the Muslim Brotherhood president treat all of his citizens with equality as he promises, and how will he maintain the civil rights of the Christian minority?
As to the millions of Copts, or Christian Egyptians, the Muslim Brotherhood leaders has been clear: as explained by the Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guide, Mustafa Mashhur, in an interview with Al-Ahram newspaper back in 1997: the Egyptian Christians must pay a "Jizya"—an extra tax that, according to Islam, non-Muslims must pay to the Muslim state—and they must be excluded from all senior government and military jobs.
Further, while the presidential elections were still boiling, then-presidential-candidate Morsi, threatened by a confrontation with Egypt's Military Council, faced down Egypt's ruling generals and vowed to give away his life for the cause if the Council conducted a constitutional coup against him. Such a vow suggests that the usually non-violent Brotherhood is now willing to use violence to acquire power. Only time will tell if the Muslim Brotherhood will threaten its current opposition with violence.
Morsi has also promised that the peace treaty signed with Israel more than 30 years ago will stand -- a retraction of what the Brotherhood leaders said a year ago, when they called for the treaty to be re-examined. The Muslim Brotherhood's mission statement, however, for the last 80 years, has remained unchanged: "God is our objective; the Quran is our law, the Prophet is our leader; Jihad is our way; and death for the sake of God is the highest of our aspirations."
While Egypt's military council has dissolved the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated parliament and limited the president's power, still, Samer Shehata, an assistant professor of Arab politics at Georgetown University, says it is "still unclear if Morsi's hands will be completely tied."
The Muslim Brotherhood has waited for decades to take control of Egypt, and now it has a president in office, who might simply feel as the Turkish President , Recep Tayyip Erdogan put it, that democracy is like a streetcar: you stay on it until you reach your destination and then you get off.
The very hard days ahead for both Egypt and the region could have been less severe if the U.S. administration and its Western allies had chosen to support the seculars and non-Islamists; still the U.S. administration seems determined to continue its communication with Islamists and Muslim Brotherhood offshoots in other Arab countries such as Syria and Jordan. The US might think, wrongly, that if the US is nice to the Brotherhood now, the Brotherhood will be nice to the US later. Or the US may not want to admit the damage that pan-Islamist rule might do to the free world, let alone to the people – especially the women – who have no choice but to continue living there. If the US did admit there was a problem, it might then even have to do something about it. Since the day the administration insisted that the Muslim Brotherhood be invited to President Barack Obama's Cairo speech, and be presented with the choicest seats there – all in direct violation of the wishes of then-President Hosni Mubarak, who ultimately refused even to attend the speech – all options but surrender seem to have been off the table, not only in the Middle East, but in Russia, China and South America as well.
Related Topics:  Egypt  |  Mudar Zahran

Syrian Shoot-Down - And Erdogan's "Furious" Response

by Veli Sirin
July 3, 2012 at 3:00 am
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As he has before, Erdogan employs bluster and intrigue simultaneously, with one single aim: the expansion of Turkish regional power.
The Syrian military shot down an unarmed Turkish Air Force RF-4E Phantom fighter plane on June 22, killing its two pilots, captain Gokhan Ertan and lieutenant Hasan Huseyin Aksoy. According to Turkish authorities, the Syrians also fired on a search-and-rescue aircraft attempting to find the wreckage of the destroyed jet, which eventually was located on the Mediterranean sea floor, 3,300 to 4,300 feet (1 to 1.3 kilometres) below the surface.
Turkish officials assert that the aircraft was targeted without warning while inside international airspace, and after straying briefly into Syrian skies. Syrian government sources claimed the shoot-down took place while the plane was inside Syrian airspace and may have been caused by "mistaken identification." Syrian functionary Omran Al-Zubi insinuated on June 2 that the Turkish fighter was mistaken for an Israeli jet: as he said, "they both are from the same factory, from the U.S., maybe Syria thought it was an Israeli plane."
The response of Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the neo-fundamentalist leader of the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, has been characteristic: combining harsh rhetoric with limited performance. On June 25, Erdogan denounced the downing of the Turkish warplane as a "hostile act" and said that Turkey would react with military force to any further aggression by Syria. Turkey has since moved tanks and artillery to the Turkish-Syrian frontier
Turkish-Syrian relations however, are complicated by the violent conflict between the Syrian government of Bashar Al-Assad and its opponents. Some 30,000 Syrians have already sought refuge in Turkey. After promising the Syrian protestors publicly that he would support their struggle, Erdogan reportedly has allowed the main anti-Assad group, the Free Syrian Army, to recruit and train on its soil.
The downed RF-4E Phantom raised tensions between the two countries to a new and dangerous level. Ankara was allied with Damascus until the callous nature of Al-Assad's recent terror against his subjects became obvious to the world. Turkey and Syria, however, have previously approached open war. In 1998, Turkey, then firmly secular, pressured Syria, under threat of direct military intervention, to expel Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the radical Kurdish Workers Party, PKK. Syria expelled Ocalan, but did not hand him over to the Turkish government. Ocalan instead travelled via Russia eventually to Kenya, where, after being sheltered by the Greek Embassy, he was arrested in 1999 at Nairobi's international airport.
How successful Erdogan's employment of military pressure will now be is uncertain. His speech on June 26 to AKP parliamentary deputies was broadcast live by the pan-Arabic news channel Al-Jazeera. In the speech, he declared that Turkey would not accept, with hands tied, an attack on its air force. He went on to say, "However valuable Turkey's friendship is, its wrath is just as strong."
In the same discourse, Erdogan denied any legitimacy to the Al-Assad hierarchy. Erdogan emphasized, "We will offer all possible support to liberate the Syrians from dictatorship… a tyrannical regime that kills its own people" and which is also "a clear and present danger" to Turkish security. He warned that the Syrian rulers would suffer Turkey's "furious anger," and announced that "any military element that approaches the Turkish border from Syria, posing a security risk or danger, will be regarded as a threat and treated as a military target."
Erdogan has sought international support for Turkey's posture on Syria. NATO, of which Turkey is a member, assailed Syria's attack on the Turkish plane. The secretary-general of the Atlantic alliance, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, said, "We consider this act to be unacceptable and condemn it in the strongest terms." Rasmussen referred to it as "another example of the Syrian authorities' disregard for international norms, peace and security and human life."
Unanswered questions surround the episode: as the Turkish RF-4E jet is a reconnaissance craft, Ankara has been accused of testing Syrian air defenses. The Turkish academic Hasan Koni, who is critical of Erdogan's administration, noted on the Turkish television network NTV that the plane, one of the oldest models in Turkey's air arsenal, was brought down near the Syrian city of Latakia, 44 miles (70 kilometres) from the Russian navy base at Tartus, Syria -- the last Russian military facility outside its territory, and the sole refueling station for Russian naval forces in the Mediterranean. Koni suggested that the plane could have intended to observe the Russian installation.
The Turkish public has been, as it has been so often, swept by conspiratorial rumors about the Syrian shoot-down. Many Turks are convinced that the United States wishes to use their country as a proxy against Syria in a war that could deeply harm Turkey. Anti-war sentiment is high, and supported by many in the secular opposition's Republican People's Party, or CHP. In a statement after a meeting with Erdogan on June 25, CHP leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu called the Syrian attack "intolerable," and said, "Nobody should dare test Turkey's deterrence and strength. Turkish foreign policy, at the same time, should not pursue a line that would lead to such incidents." Still, according to the authoritative daily, Hurriyet, Refik Eryilmaz, a CHP deputy for Hatay, the Turkish province on the boundary near where the plane was downed, "reportedly said at his party's closed-door parliamentary group meeting, 'We have to believe our foreign minister. But our past experiences show that we have to be cautious. The [AKP] initially denied secret talks with the PKK, but later they admitted it. That is why we should be very careful.'"
Erdogan projects himself as a patron of the Muslim world. This is the danger in his position. Isolated operations by Turkey against Syria will not resolve the situation. Erdogan appealed to NATO only for talks with its other members based on Article 4 of the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty, which provides for mutual consultations when a member is threatened. He did not invoke Article 5, which describes an attack on one NATO member as an attack on all, in which the entire body must mobilize to defend the member under assault. As he has before, Erdogan employs bluster and intrigue simultaneously, with one single aim: the expansion of Turkish regional power.
Related Topics:  Turkey  |  Veli Sirin

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