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Stealth:
Not-So-Secret Secrets
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If major
international war really is obsolete, it is mainly due to America's military
superiority: it makes adversaries reluctant to take us on.
We are now seeing Russian and Chinese
"stealth" aircraft appear, at least in prototype form. The Chinese
have prototypes of the J-20 large fighter bomber, which looks as if it may
enter service with the Chinese Air Force in 2018. In a recently published
report on Chinese military power, the US Department of Defense wrote that the
J-20 shows "China's ambition to produce a fighter aircraft that
incorporates stealth attributes, advanced avionics and supercruise capable
engines." Supercruise in this context means that the aircraft can fly at
supersonic speeds for sustained periods of time. This has only been achieved by
the now grounded US SR-71 Blackbird reconnaissance jet and the F-22.
Americans should get used to the idea that
today's military technological breakthrough will be commonplace on tomorrow's
battlefield. It costs a lot to develop and build the best military in the
world.
If the pundits are right, and if major
international war really is obsolete, it is largely due to America's
overwhelming military superiority: it makes adversaries reluctant to take us
on. Maintaining this U.S. superiority is what keeps the world more or less at
peace.
Russia, meanwhile, is working on the Sukhoi
T-80, also known as the PAK-FA -- a supposedly stealthy version of the SU-27
family of fighter bombers. The Russians have negotiated a co-development deal
for this aircraft with India, which plans to buy around 200 copies.
Sukhoi has three T-80 test aircraft in
operation, and hopes to have 11 more test aircraft flying before the first
production model is delivered in 2013. The Russian air force is planning to
have the T-80 in service sometime in 2015 or 2016, but its arrival in the
Russian Air Force will probably be delayed. How effective the T-80 will be is
open to question. Russia has developed some excellent combat airplanes over the
years, but it has also built large numbers of fighters that have proven to be
less than reliable, such as the 1970s' MiG 23.
Meanwhile, the US F-35 Joint Strike Fighter
program, which originated in 1993, grinds ahead. It has already cost US
taxpayers more than $400 billion. By the time the last F-35 leaves the
production line sometime in the 2030s, the whole program will have cost more
than one-and-a-half trillion dollars.
The F-35 was supposed to be the final manned
fighter airplane built by the US; after that, all combat flying would be done
by drones -- but things may not turn out that way. The US Navy has started
preliminary work on a new manned fighter attack aircraft called the FA-XX.
The F-35 was also supposed to be a fine example
of multinational cooperation. Certainly the US's European partners, including
the British, the Dutch, the Norwegians, the Italians and the Danes, all had
memories of successful collaboration with the US Defense Department on projects
in the past. America's foreign partners are already suffering from
"sticker shock," but as they have already invested considerable sums
in the program, probably few of these partners will choose to walk away.
Any real stealth secrets inherent in the F-35
will almost certainly leak out through these foreign partners. They may have
already leaked. However since the classified technology dates from the
mid-1990s, it can hardly be considered truly "cutting edge."
Many Americans believe that Stealth technology
is still an exclusive US military advantage and that the "Secrets of
Stealth" must be preserved at all costs. Stealth, or as it is sometimes
called, Low Observable Technology, has acquired an almost mythical significance.
This myth tends to blind both political leaders in Washington and many media
commentators to the true value of what is misleadingly referred to as
invisibility. During the 1980 Presidential campaign, the Carter administration
announced that it was working on an invisible bomber, which turned out to be
the very expensive B-2 bomber, of which the US Air Force managed to buy a grand
total of 21.
In the late 1970s, the US Air Force was working
on a smaller Stealth aircraft, the F-117 Nighthawk, which secretly entered into
service in 1982. Publicly unveiled in 1989, the US Air Force hailed it as a
giant breakthrough in its military technology. That was nearly quarter of a
century ago, it is hard to see why anyone expects that the secrets of stealth
are still secret.
The US had been working on radar-evading and
heat-signature-suppressing technologies since the late 1950s. There is nothing
either very secret or surprising about this. All military forces try to hide
their forces and are willing to spend a lot of money and effort on various
forms of camouflage and concealment.
Stealth technology as we know it came into
being in the 1970s, thanks in part to work by a Russian mathematician, but
mostly thanks to advances in US computer technology. Lockheed was able to build
a technology demonstration aircraft for the air force called the "Have
Blue," which showed that an aircraft with the new radar-evading technology
could penetrate Soviet-style 1970s integrated air defense systems.
"Have Blue" was followed in the early
1980s by the secret F-117 Stealth "Fighter," which was never actually
a fighter but, as it was roughly the size of a fighter, the Air Force choose to
call it a fighter, even though it would have been more accurate to call it a
light reconnaissance bomber.
Although the F-117 was first used during the
overthrow of the Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega in 1989, it proved itself
during the 1991 Gulf War. The Iraq air defense system, which at the time was
the best that Saddam's oil wealth could buy, was unable to shoot down a single
F-117, even though they flew dozens of missions over the most heavily defended
parts of Iraq, especially over Baghdad. The F-117s were able repeatedly to hit
Iraqi headquarters and other critical targets such as bridges and industrial
facilities. It was this that crippled Saddam's ability to continue the war.
At the same time in the early 1990s, the Air
Force was introducing its new strategic bomber, the B-2. This was, and is, an
extraordinary aircraft that combines stealth with a long range. The B-2 can fly
more than 5000 miles on a single fuel load, as well as anywhere in the world
with air-to-air refueling, even with a heavy payload. This bomber was first
used against targets in Afghanistan in the fall of 2001.
Since its existence was revealed during the
1980 Presidential campaign, "stealth" has become surrounded by an
aura of mystery and invincibility that tends to obscure its value in being able
to defeat the most advanced air defense systems. Although talk about invisible
and invulnerable airplanes was hogwash, normally skeptical journalists and
media commentators bought into the myth, and sometimes used it to propagate a
dangerously sterile vision of modern war, especially the idea that wars can be
fought with no friendly casualties and almost no casualties on the enemies'
side.
In 1999, during the Kosovo operation, an F-117
was shot down over Serbia by an old Soviet SA-3 surface-to-air missile. This
seems to have been done by a Serb missile battalion commander who, using basic
intelligence methods, analyzed US air operations. Specifically, Serbian
intelligence had informers with cell phones around US bases; the informers
would phone in the departure times of US aircraft. Using this data the Serbs
were able to make educated guesses when and where US aircraft would appear in
the skies over their missile launchers.
The pilot ejected and was rescued, but the
wreckage of the plane was recovered by the Serbs; it is believed they gave the
debris to Russia as a "thank you" for Moscow's political support.
Whatever the next military technological
breakthrough is, if it keeps American troops alive and victorious in war and
globally respected in peacetime, it will be worth every penny.
Egypt:
What Happened?
From the Fall of Mubarak to the Rise
of Morsy
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The Obama
administration's support for the Ikhwan [Muslim Brotherhood] emanates from an
extremely wrong understanding of the Ikhwan's agenda, which has not changed
since its inception in 1928: Replacing French, Napoleonic law with Islamic
Sharia law, and the vision of a Caliphate, which aims at combining all Muslim
societies under one single ruler.
The recent political developments in Egypt in
Egypt since the fall of its president, Hosni Mubarak, on February 11, 2011 have
been stressful and troublesome. Mubarak's fall was unavoidable, mainly because
of his determination to have his son, Gamal Mubarak, succeed him. Gamal
Mubarak's succession was refused my most the Egyptians not only because of its
humiliating nature -- a son of the President of the Republic inheriting Egypt
as if it was a private property -- but equally because of Gamal Mubarak's
oligarchic power and wealth that dominated political life in Egypt. In
November, 2010, the Gamal Mubarak faction made its fatal mistake when they
monopolized 98% of the seats of the Egyptian Parliament.
Since the fall of Mubarak, Egypt's military
rulers, the SCAF, have made a number of fatal mistakes that strengthened the Ikhwan
[Muslim Brotherhood] and weakened liberals. The first grave mistake was to
delegate an Islamist, Tarek al Bishry, to draft the constitutional amendments
that were endorsed by a popular referendum on March 19, 2011. Instead of
starting democratic reform by drafting a new democratic constitution, the
committee decided to start the process not only by electing a new parliament
that was overwhelmingly Islamist, but by giving this new parliament the right
to draft the constitution. The plea by Egyptian intellectuals to have the
constitution drafted by a committee of educated, intellectual figures was
ignored by the ruling SCAF, which incorrectly calculated that members of the Ikhwan,
who had far more outreach and popularity, would accept playing whatever role
the SCAF designed for them.
The victory of the Islamic groups in the
parliamentary election of November 2011 was a natural result of the following
factors: A) the 19/3/2011 constitutional amendments, B) reliance on a number of
Islamist advisers, including Essam Sharaf, who was Prime Minister for a number
of months, and C) the unjustified rush, driven by the Islamist advisers, that
was characterized by early parliamentary elections and also by totally ignoring
the article in the constitution that bans political parties that have a
religious agenda.
Since the Islamists' triumph in November, 2011,
the battle stood mainly between the Ikhwan, who became excessively
confident that Egypt would ultimately fall into their hands, and the members of
the military SCAF, who mainly were eager to protect the military
establishment's various assets, benefits, merits and immunity. For instance,
the Ikhwan announced their intention to give the leadership of the army,
intelligence service, security services, and the Ministry of Interior to MB
figures certainly not on SCAF's recommendation, but mainly to figures known for
their sympathy with the MB.
The Ikhwan benefited enormously when
SCAF pressed Ahmed Shafeeq to run for Egypt"s Presidency. It was not
difficult for the Ikhwan to launch a campaign of character-assassination
against Shafeeq, who was a member of Mubarak's narrow circle as well as
Mubarak's last Prime Minister.
The Obama administration's support for the Ikhwan
was of immense value to its candidate. In parallel to the strong support of the
Obama administrating, huge Qatari funds were also instrumental.
Although there were rumors that Ahmed Shafeeq
won more votes, the SCAF chose to announce Morsy's victory, probably to avoid
consequences similar to what happened in Algeria slightly more than 20 years
ago, when a civil war broke out after the Algerian president cancelled the
results of the parliamentary elections when they seemed to be overwhelmingly in
favour of the Islamists. It is rumored that in case Ahmed Shafeeq were to be
announced as victorious, a violence would have exploded all over Egypt.
The Obama administration's support for the Ikhwan
emanates from an extremely wrong understanding of the Ikhwan's agenda,
which has been unchanged since its inception in 1928. The two pillars of this
project have been: First, abolishing the entire judicial and juridical system
that had been introduced in Egypt in 1883 and was based on the French legal
system, the Napoleonic Code. Instead, the Ikhwan would introduced a
legal system based on Islamic Sharia law, including amputating hands, stoning
and whip-lashing. Second, reviving the political vision of a Caliphate, which
aims at uniting all Muslim societies under a single ruler, similar to the
Ottoman Empire abolished by Kemal Ataturk ninety years ago.
Assessing
the Maldives
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The Foreign
Ministry said it was "extremely concerned" by the growth of Islamist
rhetoric. The possibility of an Islamist president next year seems to be on
course.
The
Nasheed Government and its Islamist Opposition
Mention the Maldives, and you think of vacation
brochures, beaches and coral reefs. But as a country whose citizen body is
completely Muslim, how does it compare politically to the rest of the Islamic
world?
The Maldives did not have its first democratic
elections until 2008, and then only thanks to gradual reforms introduced under
the rule of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in the midst of civil unrest in 2003 and 2005.
Those elections were won by the pro-democracy
activist and former political prisoner Mohammed Nasheed, in partnership with
Mohammed Waheed Hassan. As part of a left-of-center coalition, they defeated
the incumbent president Gayoom and his Maldivian People's Party (DRP).
Nasheed, as the leader of the Maldivian
Democratic Party (MDP), aimed to implement a reformist agenda to secure the
democratic framework. As
Freedom
House noted, Nasheed "introduced draft bills guaranteeing freedom of
expression and press freedom that remained under consideration by the
parliament at the end of 2010."
Also underlying the plans for liberalization
was an economic motive: Gayoom had bequeathed a legacy of financial ruin to
Nasheed that included
Gayoom's
failed Air Maldives venture which, after suffering losses of $50 million,
declared bankruptcy in March 2000.
In June 2010, several cabinet ministers
resigned in protest over what they said were the opposition's hindrance of
plans for reform. This opposition, which consisted chiefly of the DRP, had won
a plurality of seats in the 2009 in parliamentary elections generally deemed
free and fair; together with the judiciary, they then put a stop to Nasheed's
initiatives to expand the tourism sector. According to the current tourism
minister,
Ahmed Adheeb,
Nasheed's government tried to bypass the tourism ministry in the allocation of
some islands that were to be developed for tourists.
While Nasheed was able to survive that,
political opposition to him, most having a Islamist flavor, was escalating. As
he began to lose allies in the coalition government, protests by both the
opposition and the NGO-organized "street" started to strengthen.
Feeling pressure from the demonstrations, the
government
announced at the end
of December 2011 plans to impose on the Maldives a complete ban on alcohol
and pork, a ban on Israeli airlines from operating flights to and from the
islands, and a ban on massage parlors, widely equated with brothels.
The tourism industry, however, ignored these
restrictions; Nasheed was apparently against imposing them as well.
A few weeks later, in early 2012, the
government reversed its stance. The
Supreme
Court, although rejecting requests for an opinion on whether the Maldives
could import pork or alcohol without violating its constitution, rooted in
Islamic law, nonetheless declared that there was regulation in the legal
framework of the Contraband Act to import both products -- so the practice was
not illegal.
Nasheed
made
his sentiments clear in the wake of this about-face; he affirmed that
"the silent majority woke up and they wanted to reverse the ruling…Such
extreme calls do not really quite find the resonance with the majority of the
people in the country."
Further,
Nasheed
expressed concerns in January of this year over the revival of the custom
of female genital mutilation [FGM, or "female circumcision"], for
which countless religious groups had campaigned, along with barring girls from
attending school.
The Sydney Morning Herald, which
interviewed Nasheed, quoted Shadiya Ibrahim, of the Maldivian women's rights
organization the "Gender Advocacy Working Group," as saying,
"Being a woman is harder now. The religious Wahhabist scholars preach more
forcefully than anyone else can."
Although there is perhaps some blame to be
placed on an influx of Wahhabism, the revival of FGM is said to be particularly
strong on the outlying islands, where, as the SMH notes, "local imams hold
significant influence."
The Maldives, like parts of East Africa and
Lower Egypt, mainly follow by tradition the
Shafi'i
school of Islamic jurisprudence, which rules that female circumcision is
obligatory.
It is therefore to this tradition, and not Wahhabi ideology, that local
Maldivian imams appeal.
As protests gained momentum throughout January,
the foreign ministry affirmed that it was "
extremely
concerned" by the growth of Islamist rhetoric. A leading member of the
opposition Dhivehi Qaumee Party, Mohamed Jameel Ahmed, was arrested on charges
of hate-speech.
Jameel was said to have accused Nasheed of
acting under the influence of Jews and "Christian priests" to
undermine Islam in the Maldives; the first charge a reference to Nasheed's
policy of trying to normalize relations with Israel. The reports on Jameel's
words against Nasheed seem probable:
note, for
comparison, this anti-Nasheed pamphlet released by Jameel's Dhivehi Qaumee
Party.
Accusations arose of authoritarianism on
Nasheed's part; these only intensified the protests. On January 16, Nasheed
ordered the military to arrest the Chief Justice of the Criminal Court, Abdulla
Mohamed, on charges of corruption and obstruction of justice against the
friends and family of the former president Gayoom.
Whatever one thinks of Nasheed's claims that
"
Gayoom
is running the judiciary," Nasheed's subsequent defiance of the
Supreme Court's calling for Abdulla to be released certainly did not help.
Although it would not be fair to describe
Nasheed as an autocrat by nature, he seems to have misstepped in lashing out in
his frustration at the judiciary at a time of political crisis. His actions
only led many of his allies to turn against him, as
opposition activists tied
Abdulla's arrest to the fact that Abdulla had deemed Jameel's detention
illegal.
The
Coup
Nasheed was finally ousted on February 7,
forced to resign, as he claimed, '
'under duress'' in a
de
facto coup d'état; and replaced by Mohammed Waheed Hassan, who had been Nasheed's
partner in the 2008 elections. There is much evidence that vindicates Nasheed's
account of events on February 7.
First,
Abbas Adil Raza, an official of
the Jumhoory party that was in opposition to Nasheed at the time, claimed that
Nasheed and his supporters were aiming to implement a "devious plan"
to "massacre" their opponents on the night of February 6, but only
the police and army prevented it. This is, in effect, an admission that there
was a coup against Nasheed, albeit justified as a preventive measure. There is
nothing to suggest that Nasheed or his supporters were planning any sort of
'massacre.'
Second, the former Environment Minister,
Mohamed Aslam, and the former National Security Advisor, Ameen Faisal, both
members of Nasheed's MDP party, recently
co-wrote a report claiming
that the help of police and army officers had been sought to bring about the
overthrow of Nasheed.
Rather than trying to answer the allegations of
the report put out by Faisal and Aslam, the current government under Mohammed
Waheed Hassan has simply called the release of the report, with its list of
names of army and police officers as alleged conspirators, an "
act
of terrorism."
For now, Hameed has been released on the orders
of the Criminal Court, but on June 19, the police affirmed the existence of
an
ongoing investigation against Hameed that includes accusations of leaking
information to stir up discord among the ranks of the police.
In short, the ousting of Nasheed came about
because members of the army and police sided with the growing and increasingly
violent protests at the beginning of the year.
The
Aftermath
Although Mohammed Waheed Hassan may be telling
the truth in his insistence that he had no role in the planning and execution
of the coup, what is clear is that he was chosen as Nasheed's replacement
because he is less willing to confront Islamism in the country, as revealed in
an
Islamist
mob attack in the wake of the coup on the country's national museum.
Although this rampage destroyed 99% of the Hindu and Buddhist artifacts
associated with the islands' history, dating from the pre-Islamic period prior
to the twelfth century, so far, no arrests have been made.
Mohammed Waheed Hassan's response has been to
deny any problem with Islamism. As he told reporters, "I can assure you
there is no extremist violent action in this country."
Even though there had been
incidents
of Islamist violence, and Islamist sentiment became more and more overt
under the government of Nasheed, at least he recognized the problem and tried
to push a program of reform.
According
to Nasheed, Mohammed Waheed Hassan has called his supporters
"mujahideen" [holy warriors], and has urged them to defend the
Maldives against "the enemies of this country."
What then of the country's future? Nasheed
recently
announced
his intention to stand for the presidency next year, but it is doubtful if
he can reclaim the position. Although Nasheed has his supporters, the coup
against him was not simply a conspiracy by a few sinister individuals.
Rather, the military and police, facing
increasing civil unrest, sided with the opposition against him. Nasheed's
liberal views did not sit well with a considerable section of the population;
in the 2009 parliamentary elections, the MDP did not even win a plurality of
seats.
Even now, apparently many of Nasheed's
opponents in government are aiming to have him jailed before the next
elections: the parties that opposed Nasheed's government had a
recent
motion passed in the parliament to set up a committee to investigate
allegations of illegal conduct on Nasheed's part: in particular, the possession
of containers of alcohol at his residence and the arrest of Abdulla Mohamed.
The deputy leader of the Progressive Party of the Maldives (PPM) has already
expressed
his confidence that Nasheed would be imprisoned by the time of the next
elections.
As in
Indonesia, the trends on the ground point to the growing influence of the
Islamists, who clearly have sympathizers and supporters in the army and police.
They also indicate the acceptance of the current president based on how
unwilling he is to tackle Islamism head-on, or perhaps even in any fashion. The
possibility of an Islamist president after next year's elections seems to be on
course.
Aymenn
Jawad Al-Tamimi is a student at Brasenose College, Oxford University, and
an adjunct fellow at the Middle East Forum.
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