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TOP STORIES
The sister of an Iranian-American man detained in Iran
since July says he has entered the third week of a hunger strike
against what he sees as an unjust jail term for "collaborating
with a hostile government." Speaking to VOA Persian by phone from
her home in San Diego, California, on Thursday, Fateme Shahini said
she has learned that her brother Reza "Robin" Shahini, who
is in his late 40s, has become weak and accepted intravenous blood
transfusions. Fateme Shahini said she learned of her brother's condition
from her mother and sister, whom she said had visited him Wednesday
at the prison where he is being detained in the northern city of
Gorgan. Fateme Shahini said her mother and sister pleaded with Robin
Shahini to end the hunger strike that he began February 15, but he
refused. She also said it was the first time they were allowed to see
him in three weeks.
Chinese telecom equipment maker ZTE Corp is nearing an
agreement to plead guilty to U.S. criminal charges and pay hundreds
of millions of dollars in penalties over allegations it violated U.S.
laws that restrict sale of U.S. technology to Iran, a person familiar
with the matter said. The company has not yet signed a deal with the
U.S. Department of Commerce, the U.S. Department of Justice and the
U.S. Department of Treasury, cautioned the person, who declined to
speak on the record because the negotiations are not public. Others
noted that with a new U.S. administration prompting changes in
personnel at government departments, a final deal may be delayed or
even scuttled. But ZTE is expected to plead guilty to conspiring to
violate the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, among other
charges, the source said, and pay penalties in the hundreds of
millions.
Despite ongoing concerns over Iran's nuclear
ambitions, dealing with threats emanating from the Syrian war theater
currently tops the agenda of Israel's security apparatus, according
to a top intelligence official. "The most important strategic
issue we're currently facing is the strengthening of the Shiite axis
led by Iran in Syria, especially after the fall of Aleppo,"
Chagai Tzuriel, the director-general of the Intelligence Ministry,
told The Times of Israel. In mid-December, pro-government forces
captured the war-torn city from the hands of rebels fighters.
"Syria is the key arena, because it's a microcosm of everything:
world powers, such as Russia and the US; regional actors such as Iran
and Turkey; and rival groups within the country, such the Assad
regime, the opposition, the Kurds and the Islamic State," Tzuriel
said during a briefing last week in his Jerusalem office.
"Whatever happens in Syria today will greatly impact the region,
and beyond, for years to come."
OPINION & ANALYSIS
When the Iranian nuclear deal took effect more than a
year ago, there were high hopes that it would set Tehran on a new
course of responsible engagement in world affairs. Instead, the
country has chosen increased conflict and aggression. The Trump
administration's early move to impose new sanctions on Iran was a
measured reaction-long overdue and welcomed by all of America's
friends in the region. Iran's hostile behavior is only growing worse.
There have been multiple interceptions of illicit Iranian weapons
destined for Houthi rebels in Yemen. On New Year's Day,
Iranian-backed militants in Bahrain organized a prison break of
convicted terrorists. Later in January, Tehran tested a
nuclear-capable ballistic missile, at least its 12th violation of a
U.N. Security Council resolution barring such tests. Meanwhile, Iran
has steadily escalated its support for the Houthis, prolonging a war
that has had horrible humanitarian consequences and distracted from
the fight against al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, one of the
world's most dangerous terrorist franchises. As Defense Secretary
James Mattis said at his confirmation hearings, Iran is "the
biggest destabilizing force in the Middle East." Last month he
called the regime "the single biggest state sponsor of terrorism
in the world." Last year Mr. Mattis said Iran had used the rise
of Islamic State as an excuse "to continue its mischief."
Tehran promises more of the same. Gen. Hossein Salami, deputy
commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, praised Iran's
"great missile power" last month, saying: "We are
adding to our numbers of missiles, warships, and rocket launchers
every day." What exactly does Iran want? Its constitution calls
for exporting its Islamic-inspired revolution to the rest of the
world. Its leaders talk of "Greater Persia"-a sphere of
influence encompassing much of the Middle East. And "Death to
America" remains a favorite rallying cry in Tehran. Checking
Iranian aggression will not be easy, but the stability of the region
depends upon it. Holding the country to its commitments would be an
important first step. Rebuilding America's ties to its traditional
partners in the region would be another. So too would be directly
confronting Iranian interference in places like Yemen.
When news from Iran flashes across television screens
in the United States, Americans have grown accustomed to seeing
belligerence, including ballistic missile tests, harassment of U.S.
forces, the kidnapping of our sailors and the unlawful imprisonment
of U.S. citizens. These are not the actions of a rational or friendly
regime. They are the actions of autocratic thugs. The Obama
administration appeased Iran for eight years. Now the Trump
Administration is ensuring America finally - and rightfully - stands
up against Iranian hostility. We believe they should also start
pushing back against the regime's disturbing and unabashed support
for our terrorist enemies. Iran is the world's foremost state sponsor
of terror, and we are alarmed by their increasing assistance to a
"who's who" list of Islamist militant groups. Earlier this
year, we introduced a bill to direct the State Department to
determine whether the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a
branch of the regime's military, meets the criteria to be designated
as a foreign terrorist organization. The Trump administration should
do exactly that. The IRGC is responsible for exporting the Islamic
Republic's radical ideology and subsidizing terror across the
globe... Yet Iran's long-standing support for al-Qaeda is what always
seems to fly under the radar - and it's a relationship that should
cause particular concern in the West. Consider the 9/11 Commission
Report, which described "strong evidence that Iran facilitated
the transit of al-Qaeda members into and out of Afghanistan before
9/11," including future 9/11 hijackers.
Prior to beginning nuclear negotiations with Iran, the
Iranian economy had shrunk 5.4% according to Iran's own statistics.
The Iranian currency was in free fall and there was no light at the
end of the tunnel. Nevertheless, simply to get Iran to the table,
President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry approved nearly $12
billion in incentives, an amount equal to more than twice the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps' annual budget. When even supporters of the
Iran deal say they believe it could have been better, the basis of
their criticism is that Kerry and his team squandered the leverage
provided by Iran's financial desperation. But, whatever the merits of
the deal-historians will have the ultimate say on whether it was wise
or naïve-one thing is clear: Ordinary Iranians expected to benefit
from its conclusion. After all, the deal unfroze tens of billions of
dollars of frozen assets and lifted barriers to trade. European
leaders have raced to invest in the country, no matter that this
often means partnering with businesses controlled by the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps. Even that money is not the sum total of
all that has flowed into Iran. The Obama administration, for example,
has paid more than $1 billion in ransom for Us hostages. Here's the
problem for ordinary Iranians: Even if the Islamic Republic now
operates back in the black, Iranians have not experienced much if any
economic benefit in the aftermath of the deal... Growing unease among
Iranians at their government's failure to improve their lives even
after the Iranian nuclear deal provides a real opportunity.
McMaster, President Trump's newly appointed National
Security Advisor, must ensure the new administration reverses a
decades-old pattern of neglecting Iran's nuclear-capable cruise
missile capabilities and their importance to Iran's nuclear weapons
program. The White House had no trouble marshaling evidence for its
decision to put Iran "on notice" last month but
then-National Security Adviser Michael Flynn failed to mention an
Iranian nuclear capable cruise missile test earlier that week.
Usually, it's Iran's ballistic missiles that grab the headlines. The
largest such arsenal in the Middle East, they can strike anywhere in
the region, and Tehran has transferred thousands to Hezbollah in
Lebanon. Iran also tests new nuclear-capable versions regularly, as
they have done in recent weeks. During Iran's annual military parade,
the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) inscribes its most
bellicose threats against Israel on these missiles. Despite their
design as nuclear delivery vehicles, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPOA) on Iran's nuclear program places no restrictions on
these weapons. In fact, U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 implementing
the deal dropped the legally-binding ban on Iranian ballistic missile
development, replacing it with a mere admonition against such
activities. Nevertheless, even this much weaker language still
encourages international condemnation, and occasionally sanctions,
when Tehran conducts new tests. That same resolution, like the JCPOA,
does not address cruise missiles. This is somewhat unsurprising, as
Iran first acquired a small handful of nuclear-capable cruise
missiles very surreptitiously.
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