Top Stories
AFP:
"After recent progress with Iran, it is time to tackle 'more
difficult' nuclear issues such as allegations of past weapons work, the
head of the UN atomic watchdog told AFP in an interview. 'We started
with measures that are practical and easy to implement, and then we
move on to more difficult things,' said Yukiya Amano, director general
of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 'We certainly wish to
include issues with possible military dimensions in future steps ... We
have already discussed it and will continue to discuss it at the next
meeting' between the IAEA and Iran on February 8, he said. A November
11 agreement with the IAEA towards improved oversight over Iran's
programme included six steps such as this week's visit by IAEA
inspectors to the Gachin uranium mine and to a new reactor plant at
Arak in December." http://t.uani.com/1fqknxJ
Reuters:
"Asian buyers cut their purchases of Iranian crude by 15 percent
in 2013 and shipments to Tehran's biggest oil customers are expected to
recover only slightly this year, even after a deal with the West eases
some sanctions. China, India, Japan and South Korea together cut
imports from Iran to an average of 935,862 barrels per day (bpd) in
2013, government and industry data showed. That would mean a revenue
loss of $46 billion for Tehran, based on pre-sanction crude exports of
about 2.2 million bpd... Iran's biggest oil customer, China, reduced
imports by 2.2 percent to 428,840 bpd in 2013, the thinnest cut among
the top four buyers. Without the November deal between Tehran and
Western powers, the small size of the reductions made by China could
have exacerbated tensions between Washington and Beijing. The deepest
reductions in Iranian oil imports were made by India, which slashed the
volume of crude it shipped in by 38 percent to 195,600 bpd. South Korea
cut purchases by 14.3 percent last year to 134,008 bpd. Japan, the last
of the four major Asian buyers to release data, reduced imports by 6.4
percent to 177,414 bpd, marking its lowest daily crude imports from
Iran since 1981." http://t.uani.com/1n2JCYl
Reuters:
"Global powers and Iran are still discussing when and where to
convene talks on a deal for Tehran to rein in its nuclear programme in
exchange for sanctions relief, the European Union said on Friday,
contradicting a Russian media report. The Russian news agency Interfax
had quoted Mikhail Ulyanov, head of the Foreign Ministry's security and
disarmament department, as saying earlier on Friday that an agreement
had been reached to hold new talks on February 18 in New York...
'Discussions on the timing and venue for the next round of talks with
Iran are still ongoing. When a decision is taken, we will announce it,'
said Michael Mann, spokesman for EU foreign policy chief Catherine
Ashton." http://t.uani.com/1kk3FBS
Sanctions
Bloomberg:
"A unit of Dutch aerospace company Fokker Technologies Holding BV
is poised to secure a reprieve from criminal charges that it violated
U.S. sanctions against Iran, two people briefed on the matter said. The
Justice Department doesn't plan to charge any executives and is
prepared to offer Fokker Services a deferred-prosecution agreement for
selling aviation parts and maintenance services to at least one Iranian
company before 2010, said the people, who asked not to be named because
the matter isn't public. The pending accord, which the people said
would include fines, would protect other Fokker units that supply the
Pentagon's F-35 fighter program from possibly losing their eligibility
to work on that project. The U.S. has struck similar agreements with banks
since stepping up its pursuit of trade with countries including Iran,
Sudan and Libya in 2008." http://t.uani.com/1nvtjX5
Reuters:
"Japan's crude oil imports from Iran fell 21 percent in December
from a year earlier to 165,295 barrels per day (bpd), or 815,675
kilolitres for the month, according to Ministry of Economy, Trade and
Industry data released on Friday. For the 2013 calendar year, the
imports fell 6.4 percent to 177,414 bpd, the lowest level Japan has
taken from Iran since 1981." http://t.uani.com/1fDAarO
Human Rights
Al-Monitor:
"The head of Iran's judiciary, Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani,
criticized an upcoming UN human rights report on Iran. Upon receiving a
draft, Larijani said that the body would not cave to pressure. Before
Ahmed Shaheed, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human
rights situation on Iran, releases his reports to the public, an early
draft of the report is sent to Iran to give Iranian officials time to
respond. From the judiciary to the justice minister to Iran's own office
of human rights, all have dismissed the yet unreleased report...
Earlier this week, in a play on words, Larijani referred to Ahmed
Shaheed as 'ahmagh shareer,' which loosely translates as 'wicked fool'
in Persian." http://t.uani.com/1iTBrjx
Domestic
Politics
NYT:
"Iran is facing a water shortage potentially so serious that
officials are making contingency plans for rationing in the greater
Tehran area, home to 22 million, and other major cities around the
country. President Hassan Rouhani has identified water as a national
security issue, and in public speeches in areas struck hardest by the
shortage he is promising to 'bring the water back.' Experts cite
climate change, wasteful irrigation practices and the depletion of
groundwater supplies as leading factors in the growing water shortage.
In the case of Lake Urmia, they add the completion of a series of dams
that choked off a major supply of fresh water flowing from the
mountains that tower on either side of the lake." http://t.uani.com/1bH4ejs
Opinion &
Analysis
Gabriel
Schoenfeld in The Weekly Standard:
"President Obama is rushing to implement the six-month interim
agreement with the Islamic Republic of Iran that went into effect last
week. Together with five other world powers, he is now working to
negotiate a long-term agreement aimed at keeping Iran from developing a
nuclear bomb. He regards his opening to Iran as a signature achievement
of his presidency and has proudly declared that diplomacy opened a path
to 'a future in which we can verify that Iran's nuclear program is
peaceful and that it cannot build a nuclear weapon.' If we assume that
negotiations do not collapse and some sort of long-term accord is
struck, there will still be thorny questions. A preeminent one concerns
Iranian compliance. How much confidence can we have that the ayatollahs
will not press ahead with their nuclear program in clandestine
facilities, as they have done in the past? And if they do press ahead,
how much confidence can we have that our intelligence agencies will
catch them? Obama's faith that 'we can verify' Iranian compliance
glides over the fact that the U.S. track record in unmasking covert
nuclear programs is checkered at best. This is not because our
intelligence agencies are incompetent-although sometimes they are-but
because the task is exceptionally hard. Just last week, a three-year
study by a Pentagon subunit, the Defense Science Board, concluded that
U.S. intelligence agencies 'are not yet organized or fully equipped' to
detect when foreign powers are constructing nuclear weapons or adding
to existing arsenals. What is more, their ability to find 'small
nuclear enterprises designed to produce, store, and deploy only a small
number of weapons' is 'either inadequate, or more often, [does] not
exist.' Past intelligence lapses in the nuclear realm go back to the
dawn of the atomic age and include a failure to foresee the first
Soviet A-bomb test in 1949, the first Soviet H-bomb test in 1953, and
the first Indian nuclear test in 1974. After the first Gulf war, the
U.S. intelligence community was astonished to learn that Iraq was only
months away from putting the final screw in a nuclear device. In the
run-up to the second Gulf war, the CIA blundered in the opposite
direction, declaring with high confidence-'a slam dunk' in CIA director
George Tenet's notorious phrase-that Saddam Hussein was developing
nuclear weapons. He was not. More recently, North Korea constructed a
uranium enrichment facility that, despite intense scrutiny by American
intelligence, went unnoticed until the North itself chose to reveal it.
The case of Syria is especially pertinent to our efforts to monitor
Iran... Only in 2007, just as the reactor was ready to be loaded with
uranium fuel, did U.S. intelligence conclude that Syria had built a
gas-cooled, graphite-moderated reactor. It reached this judgment not by
dint of its own collections efforts but thanks to incontrovertible
evidence provided by Israel: photographs of the building's interior.
Under our eyes but without our seeing, the Syrians had come
breathtakingly close to possessing an operational generator of the
nuclear bomb ingredient plutonium. 'This was a significant failure on
the part of U.S. intelligence agencies,' writes former defense
secretary Robert Gates in his new memoir. Gates notes that 'Syria for
years had been a high-priority intelligence target for the United
States' and that 'early detection of a large nuclear reactor under
construction in a place like Syria is supposedly the kind of
intelligence collection that the United States does superbly well.' The
failure clearly shook Gates and led him to ask President Bush: 'How can
we have any confidence at all in the estimates of the scope of the
North Korean, Iranian, or other possible programs?' That was the right
question to ask in 2007 and it remains the right question to ask about
Iran today." http://t.uani.com/1n2LHTX
Emily Landau in
Haaretz: "The debate in the United States over the
past few weeks on the Iranian nuclear issue has been focused primarily
- indeed, almost exclusively - on one thing only: The fate of sanctions
legislation circulating in Congress. This legislation's new sanctions
would only be triggered if Iran does not uphold the interim deal, or
does not move to a comprehensive deal. Despite this, the White House
has framed the debate as one that pits 'diplomacy' against 'war'. It
has been equating Congressional support for more leverage in the next
stage of negotiations with Iran as a call for war, and Democratic
Senators that support the legislation have been denounced as
warmongers. But there is shaky ground beneath the administration's
fixation on rejecting sanctions legislation. A single intelligence
report from December 2013 has been quoted as the evidence that supports
the administration's position: More sanctions will end negotiations...
But the bigger problem is that the sanctions debate has become an
exclusive focus, almost an end in itself, with the effect of precluding
necessary discussion on the Joint Plan of Action (JPA) itself. Indeed,
attention to America's internal debate comes at the cost of playing
down or ignoring altogether Iran's reaction to the deal, and, most
importantly, the new nuclear realities that are already being
established on the ground. These are going ahead even though the deal
was only meant to 'freeze' the situation and allow time for further
negotiations. While the administration has been hailing the new Iranian
cooperation and the halt of enrichment to 20 percent, much more serious
issues - such as Iran's belief that the interim deal grants it an
unfettered right to continue work on any aspect of research and
development of more and more advanced generations of centrifuges, and
continued work related to the Arak facility - barely find their way
into media reports and commentary. Of course, the problem with the
leverage available to the P5+1 states in the talks with Iran relates
not only to sanctions legislation, but also to the sanctions relief for
Iran, a snowball that is already rolling as part of the interim deal.
Moreover, the claim that 'if Iran cheats, sanctions will be reimposed'
ignores the unfolding dynamic of how Iran has been able to maneuver in
these negotiations for over a decade. Iran will probably never let a
clear case of violation be determined - indeed, because everything will
turn on interpretation, Iran will strongly resist any attempt to claim
it has cheated. And with Iran part of the very Joint Commission to be
set up as part of the JPA to oversee compliance, the chances of
determining that it has not upheld the deal are obviously even lower
still. Of perhaps greater concern is the growing sense that the U.S. -
and the P5+1 as a group - do not really want to find Iran in
noncompliance with the deal. It is their keen desire that negotiations
continue, no matter what. Therefore, like a chorus, they are all
emphasizing what a positive development the JPA is, and how a path has
now been established for moving forward to a final deal... The P5+1
should be keeping their eyes firmly on the real action - what Iran is
doing to push its interpretation of the JPA, to insult and embarrass
the other side, and to ensure that the critical elements of its nuclear
program - that will enable breakout to military nuclear capability -
remain firmly in place. All the while, Iran will be trying to maneuver
its way to getting as much sanctions relief as possible." http://t.uani.com/1ddwCcL
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Eye on Iran is a periodic news summary from United Against
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