Britain sinking under unproductive Muslims costing £13+ billion a year
[*Note.
We encounter endless arguments by salafi libtards claiming there is no
verification to these statistics although they are clearly verified
under the links in Related]
Modest numerical calculations based on government statistics, wikileaks and media reports reveal that the British government spend a minimum £13+ billion a year from tax revenues on unproductive Muslims. Britain is expected to have more Muslims than all of Kuwait in less than two decades.
While the government is trying to create £12 billion in annual cuts by targeting the handicapped, elderly, and poor amongst it’s own citizens, they have ignored a group that is highly overrepresented above anyone else in welfare exploitation. Sweden appears to be gripped in a similar situation with the country drowning in Muslim related expenses.
The Daily Telegraph reported in 2012 that 75% of all Muslim women are unemployed while 50% of all Muslim men are unemployed (67.5% total) – a staggering 350% rise from 13% for men and 18% for women in 2004. Muslims are also on sick leave more than anyone else, with 2001 figures revealing that 24% of females and 21% of males claim disability. Muslims are the most likely among all religious groups to be living in accommodation rented from the council or housing association (28%); 4% live rent-free (2004 figures). As if this is not enough, the total prison population in the UK amongst category A and B criminals (third degree criminals) is now 35-39% Muslim.
Since current statistics fail to clarify how many Muslims actually collect benefits, and whether unemployment figures
include
those on disability and in prison, only a crude estimate can be made.
In spite of this our calculation is based only on basic, lowest payouts
in Britain, meaning most additional paypits that Muslims would be
entitled to are not included. The indications are nevertheless shocking:
roughly 4.25 million Muslims, or more than 85%, live off tax payers (2012 unconfirmed estimate increased the Muslim population number from 3 million to 4.25).
If we average this with a simple, quick calculation of the minimum
benefit payment of £67 a week granted in Britain for adults, at least £
284,750,000 per week (£1.139 billion per month) is spent from taxpayers
on Muslims who barely contribute anything whatsoever to Britain’s
revenues – except making more Muslims.The calculation is not detailed enough to include housing benefits, childcare support, medical care and other coverage. We can estimate that only in unemployment support, Muslims cost the British government at least £ 13+ billion a year.
A more detailed calculation need to be made when there are clearer records at hand. At present the government will not publish current, clear and defined numbers and we had to find them through different sources most of it coming from wikileaks (see below). The older numbers are inaccurate and highly understated since data have shows that the Muslim population tend to double in less than a decade (in 7 years).
If the same population growth continues in a steady flow, by 2030 Britain will have a 40% Muslim population. And who will feed and house them? With this type of parasitic addition to society there is simply nowhere for the British economy to go but downhills. As if that is not bad enough, 32 percent of Muslim students (born in the UK) believe killing in the name of religion is justified; 54 percent wanted a Muslim Party to represent their world view in Parliament, and 40 percent of young Muslims in the UK want the country to be governed under Sharia law (2004 report).Related:
1. Muslim statistics
2. Wikileaks: UK Muslim demographics 2009
3. Worldwide Muslim demographics and social conditions with the expansion of Islam
4. UK Muslim prison population: Prison pressure to convert to Islam
5. Wikipedia: Islam in the UK
6. Pew Global Statistics: Muslims in Europe
7. Dhimmi Guardian: Why Muslim women are unemployed (2009 data)
8. British Muslim Statistics (from 2001 census)
9. WikiIslam Muslim Statistics
10. Daily Telegraph: “…50% of Muslim men & 75% of Muslim women are unemployed“. Britain’s coping classes at breaking point
11. Almost a quarter of state school pupils are from an ethnic minority
12. National Statesman: The lost Muslim generation
13. Fox News: “…90% unemployment amongst Muslims in Sweden”. Sweden’s Muslim immigration problem
14. Number of British Muslims will double to 5.5m in 20 years [they are already reaching this 20 year projection]
.
Europe and Britain sinking under weight of welfare costs
It’s not just that much welfare spending has become bloated, unfair and sometimes outright corrupt, it is also that it is no longer economically affordable.
So how did Mr Nasty – aka George Osborne – do? I give the Chancellor a qualified thumbs-up for his party conference speech,
even if the word “growth” was almost as absent from his rhetoric as
“deficit” was last week from Ed Milliband. Osborne is as unforthcoming
on how to get the economy growing again as the Labour leader is on dealing with our debts.
We can quickly dispense with the “shares for employment rights” initiative – this was just an irrelevant gimmick which will struggle to gain traction even in start-up companies.
But in choosing to focus so strongly on
the need for welfare reform, the Chancellor put his finger on the nub of
the problem, not just for Britain, but for virtually all advanced
economies.
It’s not just that much welfare spending
has become bloated, unfair and sometimes outright corrupt, it is also
that it is no longer economically affordable. Osborne couched his case
in highly political terms, as you might expect after the latest British
Social Attitudes survey.
This showed a high degree of public
support for further cuts in welfare spending. Where once the Tories were
regarded as cruel and heartless for wanting to slash benefits, it now
seems that they can’t be tough enough. Politically, Osborne is therefore
pushing at an open door when he says this is not just about saving
money – it’s about fairness and enterprise.
How can we justify the incomes of those
out of work rising faster than the incomes of those in work, he asks, or
giving flats to young people who have never worked when working people
twice their age still have to live with their parents because they
cannot afford a separate home?
More emotively still, he asked how it was possible to justify a system where people in work have to consider the costs of having another child, while those who are out of work don’t. By raising these questions, Osborne gives voice to a strongly populist message, but he also speaks to an underlying, economic imperative – advanced economies are long past the stage of being able to afford such largesse.
In his speech, Osborne was aiming only at the easy political targets of entitlement spending – for want of a better term, the “social scroungers”, or those who choose welfare over work. The savings that can be made here are certainly not to be sneezed at. Looking at those areas of welfare spending which grew most strongly under the last government, they were things like housing benefit and other forms of income support.
Yet they are dwarfed by healthcare and pensions spending, and it is these entitlements which pose the biggest challenge for the future.
As it happens, Britain is rather better placed than many of its European peers in this regard. On pensions spending, the age of entitlement is already being raised, and will in future continue to rise in line with life expectancy. The per capita cost of the pensions promise is thereby capped.
The same is not true of health and long-term care, the costs of which will grow rapidly as society ages. Relatively favourable demographics make these costs less of a problem for Britain than they are for much of the rest of Europe.
Recent projections aired by Fabio Pammolli, professor of economics at the IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, show quite shocking levels of exposure. If there wasn’t already enough to worry about in Europe’s fiscal meltdown, these forecasts point to destruction of the very foundations of the European social market economy. Taking into account the expected decrease in fertility and mortality rates, the burden on active workers of healthcare and pensions spending is expected to grow over the next 20 years to 63.5pc of GDP per capita in Italy, 61.6pc in France, and 53.3pc in Germany.
Favourable demographics mean that by comparison, the projected UK burden is relatively small at just 38.7pc. Yet it is still quite high enough.
In Europe, stopping is going to make the present outbreak of economic, social and political instability over deficit reduction look like a stroll in the park. We are only in the very early stages of Europe’s wider fiscal crisis. There is still much worse to come, regardless of whether the euro survives or not.
It might be said in defence of the single currency that it has at least forced countries to make a start on the sort of structural reform that one way or another is bound to come.
Well possibly, but you see very little evidence of such reforms in France – on the contrary, France seems to be haring off in the other direction as fast as it possibly can – and ultimately, it will be the euro that gets the blame for the stultifying effect the present policy mix of fiscal and monetary austerity is having on growth. Eventually, it will break under the pressure.
In its latest World Economic Outlook, the IMF concedes that one of the reasons it has been over-estimating growth prospects for Europe is that short-term fiscal multipliers have been bigger than expected. This is just a complicated way of saying that when everyone is cutting all at the same time, the effect is almost bound to be self-defeating. Lack of growth will cause deficits to increase regardless.
It is hard to find a single chief executive who is interested in serious investment on mainland Europe right now. For all the reasons highlighted, the place is regarded as too toxic to touch. The future of the euro is just one among a mountain of negatives.
All of which means that Osborne can expect little or no help from the Continent in his efforts to get on top of Britain’s own debts. Europe is set on a five to 10-year period of nil growth, falling living standards and brutally disappointed expectations. All that Europeans can look forward to once the present phase of austerity comes to an end is yet more austerity.
Is there anything the Chancellor can do to help himself? Belatedly, he seems now at least to be attacking the right targets. I’ve been a supporter of the broad outline of the Government’s deficit reduction strategy, but there is no doubt that front-end loading the consolidation with tax increases and swingeing cuts in capital spending has damaged growth badly and therefore steepened the climb back to health.
The Coalition went for the easy hits, rather than the really difficult, long-term stuff. This has not served either the Government or the economy well.
Osborne rejected the case for tax cuts yesterday, but actually, putting money back in people’s pockets is the best thing he could do to support demand and give the British economy a fighting chance against the winds blowing in from Europe.
To be effective, such tax cuts cannot be temporary, but must be permanent, and therefore funded with far more draconian action on welfare than we have seen to date. Cameron and Osborne need to ask themselves just three questions. What are they in government for? Is it compromise and defeat? Or reform, growth and a sustainable future?
More emotively still, he asked how it was possible to justify a system where people in work have to consider the costs of having another child, while those who are out of work don’t. By raising these questions, Osborne gives voice to a strongly populist message, but he also speaks to an underlying, economic imperative – advanced economies are long past the stage of being able to afford such largesse.
In his speech, Osborne was aiming only at the easy political targets of entitlement spending – for want of a better term, the “social scroungers”, or those who choose welfare over work. The savings that can be made here are certainly not to be sneezed at. Looking at those areas of welfare spending which grew most strongly under the last government, they were things like housing benefit and other forms of income support.
Yet they are dwarfed by healthcare and pensions spending, and it is these entitlements which pose the biggest challenge for the future.
As it happens, Britain is rather better placed than many of its European peers in this regard. On pensions spending, the age of entitlement is already being raised, and will in future continue to rise in line with life expectancy. The per capita cost of the pensions promise is thereby capped.
The same is not true of health and long-term care, the costs of which will grow rapidly as society ages. Relatively favourable demographics make these costs less of a problem for Britain than they are for much of the rest of Europe.
Recent projections aired by Fabio Pammolli, professor of economics at the IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, show quite shocking levels of exposure. If there wasn’t already enough to worry about in Europe’s fiscal meltdown, these forecasts point to destruction of the very foundations of the European social market economy. Taking into account the expected decrease in fertility and mortality rates, the burden on active workers of healthcare and pensions spending is expected to grow over the next 20 years to 63.5pc of GDP per capita in Italy, 61.6pc in France, and 53.3pc in Germany.
Favourable demographics mean that by comparison, the projected UK burden is relatively small at just 38.7pc. Yet it is still quite high enough.
In Europe, stopping is going to make the present outbreak of economic, social and political instability over deficit reduction look like a stroll in the park. We are only in the very early stages of Europe’s wider fiscal crisis. There is still much worse to come, regardless of whether the euro survives or not.
It might be said in defence of the single currency that it has at least forced countries to make a start on the sort of structural reform that one way or another is bound to come.
Well possibly, but you see very little evidence of such reforms in France – on the contrary, France seems to be haring off in the other direction as fast as it possibly can – and ultimately, it will be the euro that gets the blame for the stultifying effect the present policy mix of fiscal and monetary austerity is having on growth. Eventually, it will break under the pressure.
In its latest World Economic Outlook, the IMF concedes that one of the reasons it has been over-estimating growth prospects for Europe is that short-term fiscal multipliers have been bigger than expected. This is just a complicated way of saying that when everyone is cutting all at the same time, the effect is almost bound to be self-defeating. Lack of growth will cause deficits to increase regardless.
It is hard to find a single chief executive who is interested in serious investment on mainland Europe right now. For all the reasons highlighted, the place is regarded as too toxic to touch. The future of the euro is just one among a mountain of negatives.
All of which means that Osborne can expect little or no help from the Continent in his efforts to get on top of Britain’s own debts. Europe is set on a five to 10-year period of nil growth, falling living standards and brutally disappointed expectations. All that Europeans can look forward to once the present phase of austerity comes to an end is yet more austerity.
Is there anything the Chancellor can do to help himself? Belatedly, he seems now at least to be attacking the right targets. I’ve been a supporter of the broad outline of the Government’s deficit reduction strategy, but there is no doubt that front-end loading the consolidation with tax increases and swingeing cuts in capital spending has damaged growth badly and therefore steepened the climb back to health.
The Coalition went for the easy hits, rather than the really difficult, long-term stuff. This has not served either the Government or the economy well.
Osborne rejected the case for tax cuts yesterday, but actually, putting money back in people’s pockets is the best thing he could do to support demand and give the British economy a fighting chance against the winds blowing in from Europe.
To be effective, such tax cuts cannot be temporary, but must be permanent, and therefore funded with far more draconian action on welfare than we have seen to date. Cameron and Osborne need to ask themselves just three questions. What are they in government for? Is it compromise and defeat? Or reform, growth and a sustainable future?
Posts
No comments:
Post a Comment