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Steven Emerson,
Executive Director
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May 23, 2017
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CAIR
Ups the Ante on its Shameful Smear Campaign
IPT News
May 23, 2017
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The Council on
American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) issued a news release last week touting an Air Force
decision to review courses on prison radicalization taught by Patrick
Dunleavy, an Investigative Project on Terrorism (IPT) fellow
"We welcome this review and hope it results in our military
personnel receiving training based on balanced and accurate information,
not on personal or political agendas," said CAIR-Florida
Communications Director Wilfredo A. Ruiz.
The statement actually exposes the empty and cynical nature of CAIR's
complaint and shows that the true intent is to pressure the Air Force into
silencing Dunleavy. CAIR has no idea what is in Dunleavy's
instructional material. If it did, it would cite examples to illustrate its
concern. This is the second release in CAIR's campaign against Dunleavy.
Neither cites anything related to his teaching.
The only other explanation is that CAIR has seen the material and cannot
point to any inappropriate content, but chooses to smear Dunleavy as an
"Islamophobe" despite that.
As we pointed out after the initial attack on Dunleavy, the
only examples CAIR could provide to attempt to justify its request came
from a 2011 article, none of which attacked or stereotyped Muslims or
supported CAIR's claim that he "does not fit the U.S. military's
standards for a subject-matter expert."
His resume proves that he is eminently qualified to teach such a course,
which addresses a very real problem, as numerous terrorists have been
converted to Islam and/or radicalized in prison. Dunleavy is the former
Deputy Inspector General for the New York State Department of Correctional
Services. He served 26 years in the New York State Criminal Justice System,
beginning as a corrections officer and rising through the ranks to become
the head of the Criminal Intelligence Division.
He joined the intelligence division after 9/11, and was instrumental in
providing agency resources to the United States Marshals' New York/New
Jersey Fugitive Task Force. He has also briefed members of the New York
Joint Terrorism Task Force on the nexus of incarcerated foreign born
individuals and terrorism.
In 2011, Dunleavy testified as an expert witness before the House
Committee on Homeland Security regarding the threat of Islamic
Radicalization in the U.S. Prison System. He is the author of The Fertile Soil of Jihad: Terrorism's Prison Connection
(Potomac Books).
Again, if Dunleavy purveys unbalanced, inaccurate information, CAIR
failed to cite any examples among the book's 142 pages. He also has written
extensively on the subjects of counter terrorism and law enforcement for various
news organizations including the Washington Times and the New
York Post.
CAIR's primary beef seems to be that Dunleavy works with the IPT and
publishes articles here. The news releases spend more time trying to
tarnish the IPT and Executive Director Steven Emerson than trying to show
why Dunleavy shouldn't continue teaching.
Though the classes are put on by the Air Force, they include officers
and enlisted personnel from all military branches, and some federal law
enforcement officers. As we noted in March, there have been no complaints from
students in the five years Dunleavy has taught.
CAIR simply saw a connection to IPT and decided Dunleavy had to be
silenced. It is classic guilt by association and it is baseless.
To pretend Islamic radicalization in prisons doesn't exist, as CAIR
does, is to ignore the ongoing series of attacks in Europe by terrorists
who were radicalized behind bars, from Westminster Bridge attacker Khalid Massood to Brussels airport and metro suicide
bombers Brahim and Khalid el-Bakraoui.
In the U.S., a terror cell formed in New Folsom prison by Kevin James
and Levar Washington plotted to attack army recruiting centers and other
military targets along with the Israeli Consulate and synagogues.
In New York, four men hatched a similar plot to attack Jewish targets in the
Bronx. They also wanted to shoot down military aircraft.
When Bastille Day festivities in Nice turned to slaughter last year by
an Islamist driving a stolen truck, CAIR Executive Director Nihad Awad argued the attack, claimed by the Islamic State, had nothing to do with
religion.
After coordinated
2015 terror attacks in Paris killed 130 people, CAIR tried to create a
trending Twitter hashtag, "TerrorismHasNoReligion."
The real culprit, CAIR insists, is America. American foreign policy which it claims is unfair to Muslims
around the world, and American law enforcement, which CAIR tells followers,
will sink to any depth to set up otherwise innocent and
peaceful Muslims.
Sami Osmakac wanted to blow up a crowded Tampa bar and
a casino. He made a martyrdom video, put on a suicide bomb vest and
loaded his car with other explosives before being arrested. CAIR, rather
than express relief that a dangerous would-be jihadist was taken off the
street, accused the FBI of setting up a "mentally disturbed youth."
There aren't many people in the United States who have seen prison
radicalization up close and studied it as long as Dunleavy. He has described Muslim prison chaplains who saw the 9/11
hijackers as martyrs and the shocking number of violent jihadis given
positions as assistants for prison imams.
In short, Dunleavy has first-hand exposure to the problem of Islamist
radicalization in prisons and has devoted much of his life to its study.
And what of CAIR?
There is abundant evidence proving that CAIR was a front group for Hamas since its 1994 inception. Awad
publicly expressed his support for Hamas at a symposium at Barry University
in Florida on March 22, 1994, where he said: "I am in support of the Hamas
movement." FBI agents uncovered evidence of CAIR's Hamas connection
while investigating a Muslim Brotherhood-controlled Hamas support network in the United States.
In April 2009, the FBI cited the evidence against CAIR in explaining why it
had cut off formal communication with the group. The ban on outreach with
CAIR would last "until we can resolve whether there continues to be a
connection between CAIR or its executives and HAMAS," a senior FBI official explained in 2009. That policy remains in
effect.
But independent of any Hamas ties, CAIR's actions make it clear that the
organization is dedicated to disconnecting terrorism from Islam in the
public debate. It insists "terrorism has no religion" no matter
how many times the terrorists insist their actions are driven by the
teachings of the Quran and a desire to protect Muslims around the world
from America. CAIR's other message tries to scapegoat the FBI and stifle
cooperation with it.
Its "Know Your Rights" seminars for Muslims cast the FBI as an
out-of-control monster: "They will do anything, anything within their
power and oftentimes beyond their power to get you to talk," CAIR-New
York board member Lamis Deek said at a 2011 seminar. "They will threaten you. OK? I've
had one case where they tried to blackmail my client, I mean blackmail,
seriously blackmail; that's illegal. But they'll do it." This came two
months after CAIR's San Francisco chapter posted
a flyer online urging Muslims to "Build a Wall of Resistance.
Don't Talk to the FBI."
In a June 2014 blog post, CAIR's Hassan Shibly argued that
the purported "FBI entrapment program targeting the Muslim
community" was an example of tyranny that strayed away from the
"great ideals of liberty, equality and justice." In his view, the
FBI manufactures terrorists through sting operations such as the one that
targeted Sami Osmakac, who was convicted in 2014 on charges of
attempted use of a weapon of mass destruction and possession of a fully
automatic firearm.
Shibly claimed that
Osmakac was set up by an "FBI Agent Provocateur."
Shibly has frequently claimed that the FBI is responsible for entrapment
of Muslims and frames them for terrorist acts. "WARNING: Today FBI
agents admit intentionally targeting American Muslims nationwide 4
questioning ahead of election this weekend. HQ orders," he tweeted
last November.
This mindset of undermining law enforcement is directly relevant to
CAIR's complaint against Dunleavy. Based on his own experiences and
research, Dunleavy teaches about radical Islamist indoctrination and
recruitment behind bars To CAIR, this cannot stand no matter how much evidence
there is to support it.
It can't win on the facts, so it turns to the one tried-and-true tool in
its kit: Call the messenger an "Islamophobe" or tie him to others
already stigmatized.
This is not an isolated example. It is CAIR's standard operating procedure
to challenge the credibility of all counter-terrorism
investigations, especially those involving informants and undercover
agents.
Finally, the Air Force review comes in a new political environment.
Since the late stages of the Bush administration and throughout the entire Obama administration, a policy of
minimizing connections between terrorism and radical Islamist ideology
stifled much-needed debate and study. President Trump promised a new direction in his inaugural address:
"We will reinforce old alliances and form new ones -- and unite the civilized
world against radical Islamic terrorism, which we will eradicate completely
from the face of the Earth."
If the Air Force capitulates to CAIR and tries to silence Dunleavy, it
will call the validity of this promise into question. It will embolden CAIR
to launch similar campaigns against others with whom it disagrees. It also
will deprive the military and law enforcement of valuable insights into
real examples of radicalization that contributed to terrorist attacks and
plots at home and in Europe.
Related Topics: Islamist
Censorship, CAIR,
Patrick
Dunleavy, prison
radicalization, Air
Force Special Operations School, training
programs, Khalid
Massood, Brahim
el-Bakraoui, Khalid
el-Bakraoui, Nihad
Awad, Hamas,
Hassan
Shibly, Sami
Osmakac, sting
operations, prison
chaplains, Lamis
Deek, Islamist
Censorship
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